The Roman Aqueducts were symbols of great power and innovation at the height of the Roman Empire. Constant access to fresh, potable water for such a large number of people had never been seen at this scale and was the result of highly complex and methodical planning and construction that has fascinated archaeologists and historians. 

The discovery of these aqueducts provides archaeologists with far more details on the amount of water Romas required for their day to day activities, including drinking and cooking but also large lavish baths and fountains enjoyed by the wealthier members of society. By analysing the differences in Aqueducts built a different time periods we can see how building methods evolved, such as the difference between the Aqua Traiana and Acqua Paola aqueducts. These two ducts were built centuries apart with the Traiana being created in 109 C.E. and the Paola beginning construction in the early 1600s; but they intersected in many areas due to their common water source. (Cartwright 2012, Taylor 2012) Researchers have found that diagonal brickwork and opus signinum cement, typical components of 2nd century Roman building, are present in certain areas of the Acqua Paola, providing evidence that the ancient Aqua Traiana system served as the base for the newer aqueduct of the 16th century.  (Taylor 2012) 

Image 1: The interior of the Aqua Traiana Aqueduct

The Aqueducts were sources of enormous pride for Romans, in fact they were often used to compare Rome to other famous societies, as civil engineer Frontinus once said in a treatise, “With such an array of indispensable structures carrying so much water, compare, if you will, the idle Pyramids or the useless, though famous, works of the Greeks!” (Rodà 2016) The elaborate decorations and grandiose architecture of the external sections of many of these aqueducts indicates that while they were important sources of water for the city, they also stood as public testaments to Roman ingenuity.  

Image 2: An elaborate Aqueduct at Pont du Gard, France

Roman aqueducts transformed Roman culture in a plethora of ways, but one of the most important was how waste was dealt with. Before aqueducts all waste was primarily dumped in the street, but as water systems became more and more intricate, public latrines became commonplace, where waste was pumped into massive sewers with water from the aqueducts. (Gill 2018) Although water was available to everyone in Rome, it was generally only the wealthiest who had running water in their homes, generally coming from a lead pipe connected to an aqueduct. Archaeologists have found that many of these pipes have specific inscriptions or designs on them to prove that they were legally installed- indicating the widespread presence of illegal Aqueduct tapping. (Rodà 2016)

Image 3: A water pipe with an inscription on it indicating the legality of its manufacture and installment.

Water is known as a necessity for human life, but it is often forgotten how influential water is in so many facets of so many different cultures. Much of Roman society was built around their aqueduct system, and it carried as much symbolic meaning as it did functional purpose. Much can be revealed about a society’s culture and structure by studying how it gets its water. 

Related:

This website provides a short history of water and health systems in Ancient Societies– http://www.romanaqueducts.info/aquasite/romavirgo/ 

This video shows the processes of finding and documenting the remains of the Aqua Traiana Aqueduct- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=82__BJQ6h-Q

This writing is a translation of Sextus Julius Frontinus’s, a water commissioner in the first century A.D., account of Rome’s water system- http://www.uvm.edu/~rrodgers/Frontinus.html

References: 

        Cartwright, Mark. “Aqueduct.” Ancient History Encyclopedia, Ancient History Encyclopedia, 9 Nov. 2019, www.ancient.eu/aqueduct/.

        Gill, N.S. “Ancient Rome’s Futuristic Water Systems.” ThoughtCo, ThoughtCo, 1 Sept. 2018, www.thoughtco.com/aqueducts-water-supply-sewers-ancient-rome-117076.

        Richter/GTRES, Juergen, et al. “Aqueducts: Quenching Rome’s Thirst.” National Geographic, 15 Nov. 2016, www.nationalgeographic.com/history/magazine/2016/11-12/roman-aqueducts-engineering-innovation/#close.

        Taylor, Rabun. “Rome’s Lost Aqueduct.” Rome’s Lost Aqueduct – Archaeology Magazine Archive, Apr. 2012, archive.archaeology.org/1203/features/rome_aqua_traiana_aqueduct_carestia.html.

Images:

Image 1: https://archive.archaeology.org/1203/features/rome_aqua_traiana_aqueduct_carestia.html 

Image 2: https://hubpages.com/education/roman-sewer-and-aqueducts 

Image 3: https://www.romae-vitam.com/ancient-roman-aqueducts.html 

Havana, Cuba is an unsettling mix of old buildings crumbling to the ground, residents still inside, and a Carribian get-away for the foreign tourist. On the waterfront, Havana boasts a beautiful historic district, “Old Havana”, but stray far from the main streets and plazas and you will find yourself surrounded by neglected buildings. The ruination of these buildings tells the story of a government with limited money that chooses to prioritize the city’s appeal to foreigners above its safety for locals.

Old Havana is the historic district of Havana and became a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1982 (Perrottet 2018). Since then it has received funding from outside sources and support from the Cuban government. Restorations of historical architecture (Figure 1) have won Havana officials dozens of international awards (Eaton and Lewin 2018) and brought tourists flocking to the city. Cubans benefit from the economic boost brought by the tourism industry, but those economic gains fail to offset the hardship of many families’ deteriorating residences.

Figure 1. Part of the beautifuly restored Old Havana, the Plaza de San Francisco. Photograph from Planet Ware.

In the ongoing restoration process of Old Havana, many people feel left behind. In 2012, about 7 percent of housing in Havana had been declared uninhabitable and 7 in 10 buildings needed major repairs (Rainsford 2012). Even when residences are repaired many families are displaced, since the government does not allow as many households back into the buildings as were crowded in previously (Perrottet 2018). Government programs work to rectify the housing crisis that has many people living in buildings that could collapse any day (Figure 2), but they are not addressing the problem fast enough. According to USA Today, “3,856 partial or total building collapses were reported in Havana from 2000 to 2013, not including 2010 and 2011 when no records were kept” (Eaton and Lewin 2018). These collapses stand in stark contrast to the beautiful historic architecture Havana officials work to preserve. The Cuban government is short on money and has to prioritize projects. Their priorities are clear; Havana is quite literally collapsing while a historic district for foreign tourists grows.

Figure 2. People continue to live in the crumbling buildings in Havana, Cuba. Photograph from Translating Cuba.

Allowing for or requiring destruction of “certain people and places, often in the name of humanitarian work” (Beisaw 2017) is a political process known as ruination. The humanitarian effort of preserving a UNESCO World Heritage site comes at a price and the people who die because they cannot leave the buildings their government has condemned are paying it. Looking at the ruination of Havana reveals a rift between the Cuban government and its people. The government has the authority to choose what will be restored and what will be left to decay. So far it has chosen to restore the tourist epicenter that brings in new-comers, and leave the people already living in Havana to fend for themselves. Ruination shows power and where that power lies. Cuban officials hold the power in Havana, and the citizens of Havana see the evidence of it every day in the ruination of their home.

Refrences

Beisaw, April M.
2017 Ruined by the Thirst for Urban Prosperity: Contemporary Archaeology of City Water Systems. In: Contemporary Archaeology and the City: Creativity, Ruination, and Political Action, edited by Laura McAtackney and Krysta Ryzewski. Oxford Press. pp. 132-148.

Eaton, Tracey and Katherine Lewin
2018 How Havana is collapsing, building by building. USA Today. accessed November 10, 2019.

Perrottet, Tony
2018 The Man Who Saved Havana. Smithsonian Magazine. accessed November 10, 2019.

Rainsford, Sarah
2012 Cuba’s crumbling buildings mean Havana housing shortage. BBC. accessed November 10, 2019.

Images

Figure 1

https://www.planetware.com/havana/old-havana-cub-cdh-hv.htm

Figure 2

https://translatingcuba.com/havana-city-of-the-marvelous-unreality-jeovany-jimenez-vega/

Additional Content

Havana: The New Art of Making Ruins

Documentary about the people living in Havana’s ruins

https://vaslib.vassar.edu/record=b2199015~S3

Why Havana Had to Die

Why Havana’s buildings sunk into ruin initially

https://www.city-journal.org/html/why-havana-had-die-12360.html

When the temperatures begin to drop, most people mindlessly make the change to the colder season. From warmer clothes, to warmer drinks, a majority make small switches in their daily routines. However, this change isn’t possible for everyone. During the colder times of the year, the homeless struggle to stay warm, and stay alive. In an interview by Ari Shapiro of the National Public Radio (NPR) team, she meets with a homeless man named David Pirtle to discuss the difficulties he encounters on the streets. At one point, Shapiro asks Pirtle what it is like on the worst nights for him (National Public Radio 2012). Pirtle responds, admitting that “during the coldest nights is just, you know, fear of not waking up in the morning. It’s fear of freezing to death” (National Public Radio 2012). Although, he then adds that one learns how to stuff their clothes with newspaper and develop an awareness of resources, such as hypothermia vans that drive around Washington D.C (National Public Radio 2012).

Figure 1: In cities, homeless people tend to migrate to air vents on the street in order to stay warm.

Those living on the streets find ways to make the area they inhabit their home. This idea of home, although it can be difficult for outsiders to understand, is often the reason the homeless decline opportunities of residence in shelters. Due to this preference, though, the homeless are susceptible to cold related illnesses, such as hypothermia. And that’s why the hypothermia van system was created.

Using the Washington D.C. Shelter Crisis hotline, a van is deployed to offer transportation to shelter, blankets (if shelter is refused), or medical help (Georgetown Ministry Center 2019). Service organizations rely heavily on pedestrians to contact van systems when encountering a homeless person that is displaying signs of hypothermia (Tillett 2004). 

Steps have also been taken to prevent police intervention on the homeless when the homeless take shelter in off-limit areas. For example, Simmons of the “Cold Hits Homeless Hard” essay discusses his work as one of Washington D.C.’s van drivers (Tillett 2004). Simmons establishes relationships with parking garage attendees in hope that they will contact hypothermia vans when homeless people are found in garages instead of the police (Tillett 2004).

Figure 2: Simmons on hypothermia patrol in his van.

The service of hypothermia vans may be relatively new and unheard of to most, but hopefully the information is spreading to the right people. Potential sponsors, volunteers, and those in need should all be well aware of the on-call vans. With an estimated 700 homeless killed a year due to hypothermia, the issue is pressing (National Public Radio 2012). Death from hypothermia can be easily prevented with the right resources, and it’s important the need for these resources is widely advertised.

References:

National Public Radio

   2012     “Why Some Homeless Choose Streets Over Shelters, National Public Radio.  Electronic document, https://www.npr.org/2012/12/06/166666265/why-some-homeless-choose-the-streets-over-shelters, accessed November 8, 2019.

Tillett, Scott L.

   2004    Cold Hits Homeless Hard, Street Sense Media. Electronic document, https://www.streetsensemedia.org/article/cold-hits-homeless-hard/#.XcZKEZJKhsM, accessed November 8, 2019.

Georgetown Ministry Center

  2019    Emergency Info & Hotlines, Georgetown Ministry Center. Electronic          document, https://georgetownministrycenter.org/help/emergencies/, accessed November 8, 2019.

Images Used:

Image #1: https://www.streetsensemedia.org/article/cold-hits-homeless-hard/#.XcZKEZJKhsM

Image #2: https://www.wglt.org/post/shelters-reach-capacity-cold-weather-homeless-population-rises#stream/0

Additional Readings:

• https://www.cdc.gov/disasters/winter/staysafe/hypothermia.html
• http://www.housethehomeless.org/why-do-some-homeless-people-shun-shelters/
• https://dhs.dc.gov/service/hypo-hyperthermia-watch

Growing up in Massachusetts, I went on a field trip to the Quabbin reservoir in western Mass, when the leaves were just beginning to fall. We went to enjoy the beauty of the water and foliage, but were first given a picture book to read about its history. Thinking back, the gravity of the history didn’t dawn on us. Learning now about the impact the construction of the Catskills reservoirs had on residents, it does.

Figure 1. A view of the Quabbin Reservoir from above

Due to rising water demand in the Boston area, construction began in 1938, when the Metropolitan District Water Supply Company acquired four towns: Dana, Enfield, Greenwich, and Prescott (Bourgault 2019). The Swift River Act of 1927 forced these towns’ residents to leave their homes (Ibid.). About 2,700 people were displaced and 7,163 bodies exhumed and reburied (Ibid). The MDWSC demolished the area’s buildings, built dams, and flooded it to create the reservoir, which holds 412 billion gallons of water (Ibid).

Figure 2. The well-preserved foundations of the Josephine Marcille House in Dana

Now, much of the Quabbin watershed is accessible to the public for outdoor activities, has several trails, and a park (DCR Office of Watershed Management 2018). Dana, which lost the least land to the reservoir, is memorialized at its town common and registered as a National Historic Place (National Parks Service 2019). Over the years, former residents have worked to keep the memory of these towns alive. At the Quabbin Park Cemetery, where many of the exhumed now lay, they restore and maintain headstones, as well as hold a Memorial Day service in honor of both soldiers and those whose homes were sacrificed for the reservoir (Godfrey 2018).

Figure 3. The restoration of a Quabbin area resident’s headstone

Similarly, NYC created six reservoirs in the Catskills to respond to rising water demands. The reservoirs displaced 16 villages and 4,464 people, and now NYC labels the surrounding purchased plots as environmental protection and recreation land (Beisaw 2017). Yet this land is hard to find, littered, and treated by adjacent residents, many unaware of their history, as private property (Ibid.).

This comparison reveals another dimension to the process of ruination: how the ruiners treat the ruins, both physically and symbolically. In ruination, the cause of the destruction or decay doesn’t bother to clean it up, but in its own way, NYC has, by helping to erase these places from collective memory. The city has restricted access to much of the reservoirs’ surrounding land, and kept the public plots barely accessible. It has tried to make these ruins part of the natural landscape, void of historical significance. That is, effectively, an attempt at erasure, not just ruination.

Figure 4. The stone memorial at Dana Town Common, reading “to all those who sacrificed their homes and way of life”

Massachusetts has helped to preserve them, but by saying it was a “sacrifice” rather than a “taking”. By making the ruins accessible and by labeling Dana’s town common as a National Historic Place, they’ve curated the memory of the ruins that they created, something maybe stranger than hiding them. Whether it was an act of respect, or a retelling of history to be quaint rather than tragic, remains to be known.

References

Beisaw, April                                                                                                                   2017 Ruined by the Thirst for Urban Prosperity: Contemporary Archaeology of City Water Systems. In: Contemporary Archaeology and the City: Creativity, Ruination, and Political Action, edited by Laura McAtackney and Krysta Ryzewski. Oxford Press. pp. 132-148.

Bourgault, Bethany                                                                                                         2019 Lost Towns of the Quabbin Reservoir. New England Living, June 26, 2019. https://newengland.com/today/living/new-england-history/lost-towns-quabbin-reservoir/, accessed November 9, 2019

DCR Office of Watershed Management                                                                           2018 Quabbin Reservoir Watershed System Public Access Policies – 2018. Electronic Document, https://www.mass.gov/doc/quabbin-reservoir-watershed-system-public-access-summary/download, accessed November 9, 2019

Godfrey, Paul                                                                                                                 2018 Memorial Day Services at Quabbin Park Cemetery. Electronic Document, http://www.foquabbin.org/voices_vol31_num2.pdf, accessed November 9, 2019.

National Parks Service                                                                                                   2013 Dana Common Historic and Archaeological District. Electronic Document, https://nps.gov/nr/feature/places/13000052.htm, accessed November 9, 2019.

Images

Figure 1: https://www.recorder.com/Quabbin-Reservoir-is-Boston-s-water-source-10825829

Figure 2: https://newengland.com/today/living/new-england-history/lost-towns-quabbin-reservoir/

Figure 3: http://www.foquabbin.org/voices_vol32_num3.pdf

Figure 4: https://www.onlyinyourstate.com/massachusetts/underwater-ghost-town-ma/

Further Reading

Dana Common National Historic Place Registration Report: https://www.nps.gov/nr/feature/places/pdfs/13000052.pdf

Friends of Quabbin: http://www.foquabbin.org/

Letting Swift River Go: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N6xuQThv4t8

Lost Towns of the Quabbin: https://vitabrevis.americanancestors.org/2019/09/lost-towns-of-the-quabbin/

In early October, the skeletal remains of a dog were found right at Sechin, a 4,000-year-old site located in the Casma Valley in the northern part of Peru. The Project Director of the site Mónica Suárez said that there was also some yellow-brown fur and paw pads found preserved with the bones. The dog is estimated to be from around 1,000 A.D. While the remains are in the process of being further analyzed to discover the dog’s breed and how old it was when it died, but from the preliminary investigation, it is suggested that the dog, “was a native breed from the prehispanic era that was used in the temple.” It will be interesting to learn more about the people from the Casma Valley and how they not only lived their lives but interacted with the other forms of life around them. For example, whether the dogs like the one found last month were domesticated or not (The History Blog 2019).

Skeletal remains of a dog found in Peru this past October. Credit to the Sechin Archaeology Project, 2019

The domesticated dog. Credit to Jake Kaplan, 2019

Domestication, by definition, involves a relationship between humans and an animal population or target plant. Zeder (2012), defined domestication as a relationship where the humans benefit more and the non-human doesn’t have as much control, or where it is a mutualistic relationship between the human and non-human (162). Zeder identifies three different pathways into animal domestication (178): How they are initiated, the direction they take, and the length of time is takes to domesticate them.

Dogs are the oldest domesticated animal. Evidence suggests that they descended from ancient wolves and began being domesticated by humans during the late Glacial and early Holocene periods (14,000-9,000 years ago, BP). According to a paper written by Ovodov et al (2011) based on some remains found in the Altai Mountains in Southern Siberia that dated back to around 33,000 years ago, questions how long humans have been domesticating them? While the study did not find a relation between the remains found and modern domestic dogs, it did show possible evidence of domestication that was interrupted by the Last Glacial Maximum (AKA the last ice age). The bond between humans and domesticated dogs eventually formed forms of bonds that was more than just mutually benefitting from each other. The placement of dogs in human burials suggests that a greater bond was formed and continues to be prevalent in society today (Zeder 172).

So what were the dogs whose remains were discovered in the Casma Valley in relation to the people that once lived there? Were they there as workers, companions, or both? Were they even domesticated in the first place? Hopefully the further investigation and research of Dr. Suárez and her team will reveal more answers about man’s (or women’s) best friends.

Further Readings:

Russell, Nerissa

2011 Dogs: Domestication and the Development of a Social Bond by Darcy F.

Morey. American Anthropologist 113(4):688-689.

Simon, Scott

2015 Real People, Real Dogs, and Pigs for the Ancestors: The Moral Universe of

“Domestication” in Indigenous Taiwan. American Anthropologist 117(4):693-709.

Sources:

Anonymous

     2019 Well-Preserved Dog Remains Found in Peru. 

     http://www.thehistoryblog.com/archives/56645 ed. Vol. 2019, The History Blog.

Anonymous

     2019 Well-Preserved Dog Remains Unearthed in

     Peru. https://www.archaeology.org/news/8060-191008-peru-sechin-dog ed. Vol.

2019, Archaeology Magazine: A publication of the Archaeological Institute of America,

Ovodov, Nikolai D., Crockford, Susan J.,Kuzmin, Yaroslav V., Higham, Thomas F. G.,

Hodgins, Gregory W. L., Plicht, Johannes

2011 A 33,000-Year-Old Incipient Dog from the Altai Mountains of Siberia: Evidence of

the Earliest Domestication Disrupted by the Last Glacial Maximum. PLoS One 

6(7):e22821.

Zeder, Melinda A.

2012 The Domestication of Animals. The Journal of Anthropological Research 

68(2):161-190.

“In its simplest form, to domesticate an animal means to tame it, through breeding and training, to need and accept the care of humans.” (Ault, 2015). By this definition, humans have been domesticating dogs for roughly 30,000 years, ever since they diverged from their wolf ancestors and came to rely on their human masters for food, shelter, and companionship (Ault, 2015). Other mammals that are commonly kept as pets or livestock have similar histories of being controlled and selectively bred by humans, with one notable exception. When it comes to cats, the question is not how long they have been domesticated, but whether they have ever truly been domesticated at all.

In 2017, an international team of scientists led by University of Leuven geneticist Claudio Ottoni published the results of a project in which they analyzed the mitochondrial DNA of over 200 cats whose dates ranged from about 9,000 years ago to the present (Newitz, 2017). The team identified two major waves of domestication that contributed to the role of cats in human society today. The first took place in the Fertile Crescent roughly 7,500 years ago, when wildcats from Anatolia started hanging around human settlements due to the presence of mice and rodents (Ottoni, 2017). In a way, these cats domesticated themselves by inadvertently building a symbiotic relationship with humans in farming communities: humans’ crops attracted rodents, and it was beneficial to both parties if cats ate those rodents (Tufts, 2017). By the time of the Mediterranean “classical era,” most ships’ captains kept a cat onboard in order to take care of vermin, which allowed these wildcats to spread along shipping routes (Figure 1) (Newitz, 2017).

Figure 1. Locations of wildcat clades in the world today. Picture by Nature Ecology & Evolution

The second major wave of domestication occurred during the Greek and Roman periods, when the popularity of Egyptian cats led to a massive migration of cats descended from the North African F. s. lybica to Europe. These Egyptian cats spread as far north as the Baltic Sea and as far east as Iran by the 8th century AD, which significantly increased the presence of f. s. lybica in the overall house cat gene pool (Ottoni, 2017).

Figure 2. A blotched tabby, possibly the first human-created cat breed. Photograph by Vladislav Starozhilov.

Ottoni’s research team did not find evidence of humans breeding cats until the Middle Ages, when the human-created “blotched tabby” (Figure 2) emerged. Compared to domestic dogs, who have been more or less completely controlled by humans for many millennia, humans have been breeding cats for less than 1,000 years (Newitz, 2017). Furthermore, since cats have not been bred as selectively as dogs, they have been able to retain their hunting skills in a way that dogs and other domestic animals have not. In fact, the genes of felis catus (the average housecat) and felis silvestris (the European wildcat) are nearly identical (Ault, 2015). With this information in mind, is it appropriate to call a house cat “domestic” if it is still capable of surviving in the wild on its own?

Additional Reading:

On the cultural history of house cats: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/a-brief-history-of-house-cats-158390681/

On the domestication of many species of pets and livestock: https://www.jyi.org/2012-february/2017/9/17/our-furry-friends-the-history-of-animal-domestication

References:

Ault, Alicia.

   April 30, 2015   Ask Smithsonian: Are Cats Domesticated? Smithsonian.com. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution/ask-smithsonian-are-cats-domesticated-180955111/, accessed November 3, 2019.

Newitz, Annalee.

   June 19, 2017   Cats are an extreme outlier among domestic animals. Ars Technica. https://arstechnica.com/science/2017/06/cats-are-an-extreme-outlier-among-domestic-animals/, accessed November 3, 2019.

Ottoni, C.; Neer, W. V.; Cupere, B. D.; Daligault, J.; Guimaraes, S.; Peters, J.; Spassov, N.; Prendergast, M. E.; Boivin, N. L.; Morales-Muñiz, A. et al.

   June 19. 2017   The Complex Domestication of Cats. Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History. https://www.shh.mpg.de/446464/cat-adna, accessed November 3, 2019.

Tufts Catnip.

   August 2017   The Domestication of Cats. Cummings School of Veterinary Medicine at Tufts University. http://www.tuftscatnip.com/issues/25_8/feature/The-Domestication-of-Cats-824-1.html, accessed November 3, 2019.

Zooarchaeology entails the study of both microscopic chemical compounds and macroscopic societies and cultures. Its ability to see large through small is perfectly exemplified by the study of Anyang mortuary puppies. Located in the Central Plains of China (Figure 1), the city houses the remains of mortuary puppies from the Bronze Age, circa 1250 to 1050 BCE. Defying the norm of ancient Chinese dog burials, the sacrificed juvenile dogs provoke examinations of the social, cultural, and economic context of the settlement.

Figure 1. Map of China’s Central Plains, including Anyang. From Li & Campbell (2019).

Anyang’s neighboring Bronze Age cultural regions rarely carry bone remains of dogs less than six months of age. Most lived for 12 to 18 months, fulfilling an ideal age and death pattern for meat production, as it yields maximized animal size. However, Anyang differs (Figure 2). Among the 84 dog remains discovered in the Xiaomintou tomb, 37% lived less than six months and 73% less than one year (Li & Campbell 2019:169). This suggests that these dogs were not killed for consumption; their uniformly premature death also negates the claim that they were buried sentimentally as pets. It raises two big questions: one of their origins, another of their early demise.

Figure 2. “Waist pit” dog interments in Dasikongcun tomb, Anyang. Photo from Institute of Archaeology, 2014, vol. 2, pp. 2, plate 39.

Li and Campbell (2019:169) suggest that Anyang’s Bronze Age society may have a specialized compartment that supplies juvenile dogs for ritual purposes. According to them, the local mortuary practice of pairing the deceased with puppies would require an adult dog population of over 500 year-round. Moreover, surviving oracle-bone inscriptions document the governmental procurement of hundreds of dogs in a short time for royal rituals. This implies a somewhat professional dog economy, where canine husbandry and distribution were mature enough to support the local population and official events of massive scale.

The authors endorse two theories regarding the dogs’ young age. They propose that juvenile may be chosen because a shorter life span equates less sentimental attachment from humans. Though it contains referential value, this theory borders on ethnocentrism, since viewing puppies as cute pets of emotional attachment is a modern Western interpretation, and the emotional appeal of juvenile dogs is contingent upon local Anyang ontologies. Another practical explanation stands: sacrificing juvenile puppies rather than dogs reared to maturity is more economic. This links the dogs to locally abundant miniature, unfinished, and fake grave goods, suggesting the Anyang society’s cession of material, economic capital to symbolic capital.

Although the Anyang burial sites supply only ecofacts, they solicit conversations of much grander scales relating to the society, culture, and economy. By virtue of their taxon and age, the bone remains invite investigations of the larger background that created and disposed of them. Beyond the anthrosphere, they shed light on temporally removed human-animal relationships. The Anyang mortuary puppies, among with other Bronze Age dog burials, illuminate a fluid, spectral construct of animality, ranging from the lowest and inanimate as food and the highest and potent as pseudo-human companions. Beyond the juvenile bone remains, beyond the Bronze Age, such range of human-animal interconnections continue to this day.

Works Cited

Li, Zhipeng, and Roderick Campbell.

    2019 Puppies for the Ancestors: The many roles of Shang dogs. Archaeological    

    Research in Asia, vol. 17, pp. 161-72. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ara.2018.12.001.

Further Readings

Savino di Lernia, Mary Anne Tafuri, Marina Gallinaro, Francesca Alhaique, Marie Balasse, Lucia Cavorsi, Paul D. Fullagar, Anna Maria Mercuri, Andrea Monaco, Alessandro Perego, and Andrea Zerboni.

    2013 Inside the “African Cattle Complex”: Animal Burials in the Holocene Central 

    Sahara. Public Library of Science. 

https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AONE&u=nysl_se_vassar&id=GALE%7CA478204144&v=2.1&it=r&sid=summon

Thomas Cucchi, Lingling Dai, Marie Balasse, Chunqing Zhao, Jiangtao Gao, Yaowu Hu, Jing Yuan, and Jean-Denis Vigne.

    2016 Social Complexification and Pig (Sus scrofa) Husbandry in Ancient China: A 

    Combined Geometric Morphometric and Isotopic Approach. Public Library of    

    Science.

https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AONE&u=nysl_se_vassar&id=GALE%7CA457195751&v=2.1&it=r&sid=summon

Most people will recognize the guinea pig as a common, adorable household pet (Figure 1).  Most people will also find it hard to imagine these fur babies being served on a plate for lunch, but that is exactly what one can find when examining the dishes and delicacies of the Andes. Locally known as cuy (coo-ee), guinea pigs were also the objects of ritual acts as some evidence has indicated (Hirst 2019; Valdez 2019; Sandweiss 1997).

Figure 1. A domestic guinea pig that is ready for Halloween. Photo by PetSmart.

Domestication of cuy could have started as early as 5000 BCE, but domestication became evident by 2500 BCE (LeFebvre 2014:18).  The domesticated variant of cuy are generally bigger, have more fur colors, and have larger litter sizes, as opposed to the smaller, wild cuy that are either gray or brown (Forstadt 2001). The change in litter size and overall size, under human selection, makes sense from the perspective of cuy as a once-staple food source; in fact, many of the earliest guinea pigs have been found charred and with cut marks, showing their use as food (Sandweiss 1997:49).

Information about the roles that cuyes played in prehistoric Andean society is limited, however, by their underrepresentation in the archaeological record. Many archaeologists have fallaciously concluded that Andean diet mainly consisted of South American camelids based on this absence. It is helpful, then, that guinea pigs are still commonly being raised in Andean communities. Ethnographic accounts show that cuy feces is used as fertilizer and, after consumption of the cuy, cuy bones are often fed to dogs (Valdez 1997:897). If modern Andean families maintain the tradition of their prehistoric ancestors, this could well explain the rarity of cuy remains at Andean sites.

Figure 2. Guinea pigs are dressed up, paraded, and celebrated for a Peruvian national holiday; they will soon be eaten. Photo by The Telegraph.

Despite the relative absence of cuyes in the archaeological record, ethnographic accounts can provide insights about the role of the cuy in Andean culture.  Today, a mating pair of cuyes is a typical gift to newlyweds, special guests, or children (Forstadt 2001). Rather than as pets, cuyes are treated in a similar manner to chickens with the exception that there are entire festivals dedicated to them (Figure 2).

Figure 3. A buried guinea pig that is adorned with colorful strings. Photo by Lidio Valdez.

This is not to say there is no evidence of ritual behavior around cuyes in ancient Andes.  Cuy effigy pots have been found from the Moche people (Hirst 2019) and, in a recent excavation, Valdez (2019) found one hundred cuy remains beneath ancient Incan buildings next to a plaza.  Many of the remains had colorful strings in places of necklaces and earrings. None of them showed signs of external injury, and most of them were juvenile (Figure 3). The ritual treatment of these cuyes are similar with Spanish descriptions of Incan sacrifices of cuyes.

The attitude towards cuyes as food and not friends is no longer exclusive to South America–it is actually a trend that is following Andean expats to North America. And it’s not just exotic attraction that draws some North American patrons, but also the low-carbon impact of guinea pig husbandry as opposed to beef.  A guinea pig herd “increase[s] dramatically with very little care” (Valdez 1997:896), requires very little land, and needs much less food.

Further Reading:

NPR – From Pets To Plates: Why More People Are Eating Guinea Pigs

https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2013/03/12/174105739/from-pets-to-plates-why-more-people-are-eating-guinea-pigs

BBC – Guinea Pigs: A popular Peruvian delicacy

https://www.bbc.com/news/business-38857881

The Spruce Eats – Traditional Andean Cuisine: Guinea Pig

https://www.thespruceeats.com/traditional-andean-cuisine-guinea-pig-3029228

References:

Forstadt, Michael S.

2001  History of the Guinea Pig. CavyHistory. Electronic Document.

cavyhistory.tripod.com

Hirst, Kris K.

2019  The History and Domestication of Guinea Pigs. ThoughtCo. Electronic Document.

www.thoughtco.com/how-why-guinea-pigs-were-domesticated-171124

LeFebvre, Michelle J. and Susan D. deFrance

2014  Guinea Pigs in the Pre-Columbian West Indies. The Journal of Island and Coastal

  Archaeology 9(1):16-44.

Sandweiss, Daniel H. and Elizabeth S. Wing

1997  Ritual Rodents: The Guinea Pigs of Chincha, Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology

24(1):47-58.

Valdez, Lidio M.

2019  Inka sacrificial guinea pigs from Tambo Viejo, Peru. International Journal of

  Osteoarchaeology 29:595– 601.

Valdez, Lidio M. and J. Ernesto Valdez

1997  Reconsidering the Archaeological Rarity of Guinea Pig Bones in the Central Andes.

  Current Anthropology 38(5):896-898.

Images:

Figure 1. www.petsmart.com/featured-shops/halloween/thrills-and-chillsandtrade-mermaid-small-pet-costume-54745.html?cgid=6000012

Figure 2. www.telegraph.co.uk/news/picturegalleries/howaboutthat/2439745/Guinea-pig-festival-in-Peru.html?image=1

Figure 3. www.newsweek.com/inca-guinea-pigs-ritual-sacrifice-jewelry-1392942#slideshow/1392936