Dynamic Nature of the Archaeological Approach

Posted on September 11, 2022 by mzahnleuter

The progression of archaeological practices as shown by the study of the Tolland Man.

In 1950, farmers Viggo and Emil Hojgaard were spading through a peat bog near the town of Tollund in Denmark. The pair found a well-preserved body laying in a sleeping position in the bog (Figure 1). The body had a rope wrapped tightly around his neck and a cap on his head (Levine, 2017). Now known as the Tollund Man, the incredible preservation of his skin, hair, and organs give the opportunity for archaeologists to look into his life from 2,300 years ago.

Figure 1. Tollund Man after excavation (Levine, 2017).

The Tollund Man is one of many bodies found in peat bogs across Europe. These bogs stood out from Europe’s dense forests as one of the few places where the entire area from water to sky was exposed. The acidic bogs have little oxygen and an abundance of sphagnum moss. When the moss dies, it releases a chemical that binds to nitrogen, preventing the growth of bacteria that could break down the body. The sphagnum extracts calcium from bones, which is why the flesh of bog bodies is better preserved (Levine 2017).

Because of the unique nature of the preservation of these bodies, bog bodies are a wealth of archaeological information, as tests like microCT scans of his arteries are performed on body parts that are not usually preserved (Levine, 2017). The Tollund Man has been tested and retested since his discovery in 1950, offering an insight into how archaeology methods have changed throughout the years.

The handling of the body initially showed use of the culture history approach to archaeology. In the 1960s, scientists started to use processual archaeology. Culture history focuses on when and where artifacts were found (Renfrew 2018, 25), whereas processual archaeology uses science to ask questions that connect the artifact to its place in a complex culture (Renfrew 2018, 28). The initial cataloging of the Tollund Man falls under a culture history approach, while later testing shows the progression into processual archaeology.

Testing right after the discovery consisted of an x-ray to the body and head, and an autopsy. Instead of using archaeology specific methods that took into consideration the age and fragility of the body, researchers used similar techniques to an autopsy of a modern body, possibly disrupting his preservation (Levine, 2017). The intestines were briefly removed and examined, but an in depth study of the contents of his stomach would not occur until later (Nielsen et al. 2021). Notably, researchers found both barley and flax, which grow in different seasons (Figure 2). The use of a processual archaeology lens revealed evidence of food storage 2,300 years ago, a find that the brevity of a culture history approach might have missed.

Figure 2. Tollund Man’s last meal (Nielsen 2021).

Moving past the culture history approach of collecting and dating artifacts has allowed archaeologists to study the larger culture surrounding the Tollund Man and bog bodies.

How digital analysis tools can change the scope of modern archaeology

Posted on September 10, 2022 by nfishman

Figure 2: Confiscated toy cars at Border Patrol in Arizona, photo by Tom Keifer 2016

Figure 1: Confiscated wallets at Border Patrol in Arizona, photo by Tom Keifer 2013

Digital records have become more thorough and mainstream. Algorithms know more about human activity than anything else. This combined with the fact that technology and media are so accessible to the public creates what could be seen as a new kind of archeological site: the online version. Mr. Keifer, a janitor who worked in the Customs and Border Protection Agency in Arizona, documented confiscated items from migrants to categorize and photograph them. His process of documenting artifacts considered prized possessions by the people who carried them and putting it online through a digital medium like photography got so popular that it got a feature in the New York Times. This is key to understanding how the digitization of archeology could grow into an effective way to analyze human patterns and behavior in the past and present.

All the criticism surrounding social media platforms for their use of algorithms and data usage makes it easy to discredit how these tools can aid scientific discoveries. Additionally, these algorithms prove how important user interaction is. Science has evolved through technology and in how it appeals to the now well informed public. This data from social media platforms allows the observation of human social activity, specifically revolving around topics like archeological sites, monuments, timelines, communities, and other discourses in individual and collective experience. (Richardson, L.-J, 2019) It lets people like Mr. Keifer find people who share either a collective connection to what this series depicts or who feel an individual desire to learn more; especially with a platform like the New York Times whose influence spans worldwide.

Another aspect of media archaeology itself that is used to examine human behavior is composition and the creation of narration. When putting together a piece of art, an article, or a piece of code, the person behind it has a very intentional vision. “those working in commercial areas of digital media, such as computer games, construct systems that operationalize ideas of narrative structure, character behavior, linguistic interaction, and so on.” (Erkki Huhtamo and Jussi Parikka 2011,320) There is an “underlying logic” to each of these intentional programs. In the photographs by Mr. Keifer, the visual aesthetic choices he made when putting these artifacts together renews their usage when they belonged to the original owners, and draws in an audience to unknowingly examine and analyze a digital archeological site. The photograph with the wallets (Figure 1) is methodical and organized. The wallets are similar in color scheme which is reflected in the background chosen. They form a grid; showing they are similar enough to be grouped together, but different enough to stand out as their own artifact. A wallet conveys organization and style which comes through in the image itself. The same process can be applied to Figure 2 where colorful toy cars, which evoke innocence and childhood, are placed not in a grid but in a play formation as if a child had just left them there. Although media archeology covers pre-digital media as well, the present day digital systems really allow archeologists to analyze multiple variables at once. The massive amount of thought that goes into the creation of what we could now consider artifacts allows the archeologists to have access to the artifact itself and the information surrounding the potential thought process behind its creation; especially in the digital form.

REFERENCE LIST:

Richardson, Lorna-Jane. 2019. “Using Social Media as a Source for Understanding Public Perceptions of Archaeology: Research Challenges and Methodological Pitfalls.” Journal of Computer Applications in Archaeology 2(1), 151–162.

Huhtamo, Erkki, Jussi Parikka. 2011.Media archaeology : approaches, applications, and implications.Berkeley and Los Angeles, California:University of California Press.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

https://journal.caa-international.org/articles/10.5334/jcaa.39/#

http://s3.amazonaws.com/arena-attachments/1181527/572f596a6d1ff400d0a1982c2e044d0c.pdf?1502198877

Death: The End?

Posted on September 10, 2022 by aaulenbacher

Death is a universal experience, yet the way we mourn and remember our dead can vary drastically from culture to culture. In some societies, elaborate funerary rites and ceremonies are performed in order to send the deceased off into the afterlife, while in others, the body is simply buried or cremated with little fanfare.

One of the ways that archaeologists can learn about how a particular culture remembered and honored its dead is by studying the funerary objects found in burial sites. These objects range from simple items like pottery sherds or stone tools to elaborate offerings like jewelry, weapons, or games (Figure 1). By analyzing the funerary objects found in a burial site, archaeologists can gain insights into the beliefs and practices of a culture surrounding death and the afterlife (Ucko 1969).

For example, the ancient Egyptians believed that the afterlife was a continuation of this life, so they placed great importance on funerary objects. Everything from how the body was prepared for mummification to the objects placed in the tomb was designed to help the deceased reach and enjoy the afterlife (Canadian Museum of History 2019).

Figure 1. Gameboard and Gaming Pieces, ca. 1550–1295 B.C. Egyptian. (MET 2022)

Sometimes the objects are status symbols, like a wealthy person’s gold rings or a leader’s sword (Figure 2). Other times they are more personal, like a child’s favorite toy (Figure 3) or a loved one’s image (DeMarrais, Castillo, and Earle 1996).

Figure 2. Burial Weapons dating to the late Iron Age/ early Roman period (1st century B.C.–A.D. 50. Discovered in a grave at Walberton, England. (UCL 2020)

Figure 3. Horse-shaped toy on wheels, ca. 900-800 B.C. Discovered at the cemetery of Lefkandi, Greece. (Odysseus 2007)

In other cultures, funerary objects served a more practical purpose. For example, in Jewish culture, it is believed that the soul of the deceased can not rest unless their body is properly cared for. This means that providing the deceased with a washing and purification ritual known as “Tahara” is of the utmost importance (PBS 2013).

No matter what their purpose, funerary objects offer a window into the complex and fascinating ways that different cultures dealt with death. By studying these objects, we can learn about the people who created and used them and gain a better understanding of our shared humanity.

For more information surrounding death and anthropology, please visit:

References:

Canadian Museum of History. 2019. “Egyptian Civilization – Religion – Life after Death.” Historymuseum.ca. 2019. https://www.historymuseum.ca/cmc/exhibitions/civil/egypt/egcr04e.html.
DeMarrais, Elizabeth, Luis Jaime Castillo, and Timothy Earle. 1996. “Ideology, Materialization, and Power Strategies.” Current Anthropology 37 (1): 15–31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2744153.
MET. 2022. “Gameboard and Gaming Pieces.” Metmuseum.org. 2022. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/544775.
Odysseus. 2007. “Ministry of Culture and Sports | Archaeological Museum of Eretria.” Odysseus.culture.gr. 2007. http://odysseus.culture.gr/h/4/eh430.jsp?obj_id=9352.
PBS. 2013. “February 6, 2004 ~ Jewish Burial Practices | February 6, 2004 | Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly | PBS.” Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly. May 10, 2013. https://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/2004/02/06/february-6-2004-jewish-burial-practices/1794/.
Ruggeri, Amanda. 2022. “The Mystery Ancient Toys Puzzling Archaeologists.” Www.bbc.com. August 16, 2022. https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20220816-the-worlds-oldest-toys-what-toys-were-used-in-the-past.
Ucko, Peter J. 1969. “Ethnography and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary Remains.” World Archaeology 1 (2): 262–80. https://www.jstor.org/stable/123966.
UCL. 2020. “The Walberton ‘Warrior.’” Archaeology South-East. March 11, 2020. https://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology-south-east/news/2020/mar/walberton-warrior.
Viajonarios. 2019. “Atenas: O Histórico Cemitério Kerameikos E Museu Arqueológico.” Viajonários. January 26, 2019. https://viajonarios.com/en/cemetery-kerameikos/?amp.

Ethics of Archaeology: Where is the Line Drawn?

Posted on September 10, 2022 by rtrowbridge

Is maintaining the dignity of the deceased worth withholding a scientific breakthrough? Which ethical framework do we use when working with human remains from different locales (the archaeologists’ or the deceased’s)? These are among the endless questions archaeologists must wrestle with when carrying out their research. When we tell the story of the dead (be it through the food they ate, what religious ceremonies they performed, their recreational activities, etc.) we personify them, and, by consequence, “Those past people should not be regarded as dead or static but, as social beings, capable of being affected by action or discourse in the present,” (Tarlow 2006, 202). It is misguided to treat the dead as means to our archaeological end, rather, we must think of ourselves as their spokesperson in the modern era.

The past of archaeology is far from a pretty one. Thus, it is important to emphasize ethics in our archeological discussions. Historically, the practice has been one riddled with looting and cultural insensitivities. For example, archaeologists disregard to Native American populations. In one case, the Chumash refused entirely to let archaeological research continue on bones thought to be descendents due to the reprehensible treatment of their ancestors’ skeletons in the past (Renfrew 2018, 307). Strides have been made to rectify this and return artifacts to their rightful owners via acts, like the Native American Graves and Protection and Repatriation act (Renfrew 2018, 307), but archaeology is not immune to making similar mistakes. Even now, archaeologists must make ethically conscious choices regarding where they excavate, what they remove, where they put it, and more.

In another example, the iconic “bog-people” (Figure 1 and 2) have been the subject of much conversation, regardless of archaeological experience. “Bog bodies” are remains that have been preserved remarkably well due to their waterlogged state (Renfrew 2018, 59). Their museum displays have amassed much interest and drawn many visitors. But is it ethical or respectful to display human remains as a spectacle? Is it out of scientific and educational intrigue, or is it “out of cheap sensationalism or morbid curiosity,” (Bahn 1984, 222). The dilemmas that archaeology introduces only become more complicated when considering the diverse cultural practices concerning the dead.

Figure 1: The remains of the Lindow man, exhumed from Lindow Moss Bog. Displayed at the British Museum. (Photograph provided by the Trustees of the British Museum, Asset 126565003, the British Museum).

Figure 2: The ‘Red Franz,’ another “bog body” discovered in Northern Europe. (Photograph by Robert Clark, Red Franz, Archaeology Magazine, 2015).

It is important to note that respect as a concept is culturally situated. Most of archeology’s ethical practices are predicated upon the western cultural milieux. In some cultures, displacing the body from its burial ground is a regular, often ceremonial practice. Elsewhere, this practice would be insulting. How do archaeologists navigate these ethical frameworks?

Many archaeological organizations (for example, SAA) have codified their set of ethics, but, in all truth, it is impossible for archaeologists to determine an all-encompassing set of ethics that will command our research. It is more realistic to make decisions on a case-by-case basis, although there are times when a concrete ethical framework can be effective (Tarlow 2006, 216). Archaeologists not only have an obligation to the present and future, but also to the past it seeks to represent. Archaeologists must find a balance between their scientific endeavors and culturally informed ethical decisions made with knowledge of the indigenous cultural framework.

Further Readings:

https://www.discovermagazine.com/planet-earth/when-is-it-ok-for-archaeologists-to-dig-up-the-dead

Alex, Bridget. “When is it OK For Archaeologists to Dig Up the Dead?” Discover. 7 September 2018. https://www.discovermagazine.com/planet-earth/when-is-it-ok-for-archaeologists-to-dig-up-the-dead.

https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/mas/article/view/144/158

Alberti, Samuel et al. “Should we display the dead?.” Museum and Society, 7.3 (2009): 133-149. 10 Sep. 2022. https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/mas/article/view/144/158.

https://www.theposthole.org/read/article/350

Calugay, Sophia. “Bodies in museums: The moral standing and displaying of the dead. The Post Hole. December 2015. https://www.theposthole.org/read/article/350.

Bibliography

Bahn, Paul. “Do Not Disturb? Archaeology and the Rights of the Dead.” Journal of Applied Philosophy 1, no. 2, 213–25. 1984. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24353296.

“Bog body; arm-band; garrote.” The British Museum. https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1984-1002-1.

Renfrew, Colin and Paul Bahn. Archaeology Essentials: Theories/Methods/Practices. New York: Thames and Hudson Inc., Fourth Edition, 2018.

Society for American Archaeology. “Ethics in Professional Archaeology.” SAA: Society for American Archaeology. 2016. https://www.saa.org/career-practice/ethics-in-professional-archaeology.

Tarlow, Sarah. “Archaeological Ethics and the People of the Past.” Chapter. In The Ethics of Archaeology: Philosophical Perspectives on Archaeological Practice, edited by Chris Scarre and Geoffrey Scarre, 199–216. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511817656.012.

The Archaeology of Tattoos: An Investigation of the Oldest known Tattoos

Posted on September 9, 2022 by scort

The Archaeology of Tattoos: An Investigation of the Oldest known Tattoos

Figure 1. A drawn depiction of the tattoos of the ancient Egyptian mummy Amulet

Figure 2. The joint tattoos of Otzi the iceman used to remedy arthrosis in the wrist

In modern times and throughout ancient history, tattoos have held important significances and functions which are integral in an individual and culture’s self-expression. In shaming those for creatively expressing themselves in a physical manner through unique attire, makeup, or tattoos, one is discouraging the individualism which shapes has and will continue to shape cultures and makes humans unique from one another.

Tattoos have held more than just symbolic and decorative roles throughout history. The oldest evidence of tattoos was discovered on the remarkably well preserved remains of Otzi the Iceman who lived between 3370 and 3100 BC (Krutak, 2015). These tattoos were especially striking as they were clearly used in a curative manner. They were strategically placed on areas of his body that were associated with painful arthrosis of the joints (Krutak, 2015). This subverts the stereotype that ancient humans were technologically inferior to humans today and were distinctly aware of the curative abilities of acupuncture-like treatment. This therapeutic use of tattooing techniques has been discovered in multiple other preserved bodies of ancient humans such as the chief of Pazyryk (Krutak, 2015). Additionally, the process of being tattooed at a young age was customary in ancient Egypt. Recent research provides evidence that traumatic experiences like tattooing performed early in life stimulates hormone release in the pituitary gland. This promotes the rapid growth and development of children into stronger, healthier, and overall larger adults (Krutak, 2015). Evidently, the society of the ancient Egyptians understood the surprising and powerful effects of tattooing just as the society that Otzi belonged to did.

Tattooing in a more americanized and modern sense for religious, symbolic, and artistic endeavors existed in a similar manner around 7000 years ago. For example, ancient Egyptians received intricate net-like tattoos on their stomach during pregnancy that were intended to function as a protective barrier for women while they carry their children (Mark, 2017). The nets would expand while their babies grew and were thought to be a safeguard for the baby. Also, these same women were often decorated with religiously significant tattoos such as the deity Bes to serve as a protector during the women’s pregnancy and labor process (Mark, 2017). The symbolic use of religious figures and netting in the form of permanent markings conveys the importance which tattoos held in ancient Egyptian culture and especially in women of this culture. These intricate tattoos were also hypothesized to function as a means of demonstrating one’s distinctive physical appearance and sexual identity.

Through the exploration of the history of tattoos, it is made clear that past cultures were not vastly different from our modern societies. The practice of tattooing in communities like Otzi’s and the ancient Egyptians illustrates the technological sophistication of past cultures, despite ethnocentric views that are often held today. The decorative role of tattoos also demonstrates that since the beginning of human life, people have always strived to express their identities in this permanent, deeply symbolic, therapeutic, or simply ornamental manner.

_____________________

References and Links for Further Investigation:

Johnson, Lauren. “8 Oldest Tattoos in the World.” Oldest.org. Oldest.org, May 6, 2022. https://www.oldest.org/artliterature/tattoos/.

Krutak, Lars. “The Cultural Heritage of Tattooing: A Brief History.” Karger. Karger Publishers , March 26, 2015. https://www.karger.com/Article/Fulltext/369174.

Magazine, Smithsonian. “Infrared Reveals Egyptian Mummies’ Hidden Tattoos.” Smithsonian.com. Smithsonian Institution, December 5, 2019. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/infrared-reveals-egyptian-mummies-hidden-tattoos-180973700/.

Mark, Joshua J.. “Tattoos in Ancient Egypt.” World History Encyclopedia. Last modified January 09, 2017. https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1000/tattoos-in- ancient-egypt/.

Australian Repatriation

Posted on December 8, 2019 by mshepard

A technique common in colonial states is for colonizers to attempt to gain possession of the history of the colonized peoples to better control them. One of the primary ways this is achieved is through dehumanizing colonized people by ‘studying’ native remains without consent. To add insult to injury, most of the research being conducted with, and the conclusions being drawn from these remains were mostly based in pseudoscience. “During the 19th and 20th centuries medical officers, anatomists, ethnologists, anthropologists, and pastoralists collected ancestral remains for ‘scientific’ research linked to explaining human biological differences.” Rightfully so, aboriginal communities in Australia wish to reclaim the history and culture that was stolen. In most of these countries, the act of repatriating stolen bodies or aspects of material culture is a reasonably new phenomenon. In the case of Australia, where aboriginal remains were stolen until the middle of the 20th century and perhaps beyond, repatriation on the government scale has only begun in the 21st century. In Australia between 1788 and 1948, thousands of Aboriginal remains were exhumed and examined, shipped off to museums and institutes without the consent of the aboriginal people. “The Australia government’s International Repatriation Program estimates that some 1,000 Aboriginal remains are still held in museums worldwide today.” Only very recently have Australia and the Australian people begun the process of repatriating this remains, and a primary issue currently being addressed is who gets the remains. Like any group of native peoples across such a huge amount of territory, the Aboriginal people are not a monolith, but since they have been subjected to so much brutality by a colonial government, their identities have been all but stripped. Even in comparison to native people in the United States, aboriginal representation and autonomy in Australia is almost nonexistent. “The South Australian Museum, for instance, only began repatriating its collection of 4,5000 Aboriginal remains this year.” Recently, a new website went online with the goal of providing the necessary steps for the repatriation of Aboriginal remains. The website seeks to educate Australians about the history of this side of colonization, as well as the importance of repatriation. The history of the relationship between Australia and the natives who inhabited the land before the existence of the colonial state mirrors that of American relations with natives in many ways, and the theme of repatriation is very similar to what we have discussed in class surrounding acts like NAGPRA.

Government Site

Aforementioned New Website

Remains being re-buried

Combatting Pseudoarchaeology in the Internet Age

Posted on December 8, 2019 by tshenefield

As archaeology became increasingly science-based in the 20th century, fringe groups believing in discredited ideas grew in popularity (Wade 2019). Initially, these pseudoarchaeological ideas were most accessible through books, such as Erich Von Däniken’s Chariot of the Gods? (1968), which has sold over 65 million copies (Bond 2018). In recent decades, however, television and the internet have spread pseudoarchaeology to an increasingly large audience.

Figure 1. A common pseudoarchaeologcal belief is that aliens constructed the pyramids. Image: Express

Shows such as Ancient Aliens (2010- ) are probably the most publicly visible sources of pseudoarchaeology. However, many internet sites do just as much, if not more harm to true archaeology, connecting “experts” on topics such as Atlantis and ancient astronauts to impressionable followers (Romey 2003). As early as the 1990s, these sites featured pseudoarchaeological perpetrators abusing those who questioned their ideas and invoking “Egyptological conspirac[ies] that would make Watergate look insignificant” (Romey 2003).

These sites did create some good, drawing attention to the fallacies of pseudoarchaeology. Katherine Reece, who once believed in the theories perpetuated on these sites, began doubting them when she saw questions being insulted rather than answered. In 2001, she and a group of amateur and professional archaeologists created the website The Hall of Ma’at to provide accurate archaeological information. Explaining why she started it, she pointed to a lack of easily accessible real archaeology. The site, still running today, features free academic articles and a form to discuss authentic archaeology. (Hall of Ma’at 2019).

Figure 2. The home page for the Hall of Ma’at. Image: The Hall of Ma’at

These sites have grown increasingly important as pseudoarchaeology gains a wider audience. In the annual Chapman University Survey of Fears, 57% of respondents agreed that civilizations like Atlantis once existed (Chapman 2018:69), and 41.4% agreed that aliens visited Earth in ancient times (Chapman 2018:67). More and more archaeologists have urged the importance of public archaeology and draw attention to pseudoarchaeology’s racist tendency to assume non-white cultures could not have developed technology (Bond 2018).

Sarah Head, an independent cultural resources archaeologist, notes that as archaeology became more scientific and professionals receded into the academy, pseudoarchaeologists replaced them in the public sphere. Explaining the popularity of false archaeology over the real thing, Head points to jargon and paywalls blocking the public from understanding real archaeological research.

According to Head, archaeologists must widely distribute and clearly explain their research to effectively combat pseudoarchaeology. Many archaeologists today make their research and opinions available to the public. British archaeological officer Keith Fitzpatrick-Matthews runs the Bad Archaeology blog, which draws attention to the racist qualities of pseudoarchaeology (Bond 2018), as does Jason Colavito’s eponymous blog (Wade 2019). In the age of the internet, archaeologists and pseudoarchaeologists alike have increasing access to a public looking for answers. It is up to the real archaeologists to find innovative ways to take back the attention from the perpetrators of false, harmful pseudoarchaeology.

References

Bond, Sarah E. 2018 Pseudoarchaeology and the Racism Behind Ancient Aliens. Hyperallergic, November 13, 2018. https://hyperallergic.com/470795/pseudoarchaeology-and- the-racism-behind-ancient-aliens/, accessed December 7, 2019.

Chapman University 2018 The Chapman University Survey of American Fears. Babbie Center. https://www.chapman.edu/wilkinson/research-centers/babbie-center/survey- american-fears.aspx, accessed December 7, 2019.

Hall of Ma’at 2019 Home page, https://www.hallofmaat.com/index.html, accessed December 7, 2019.

Romey, Kristin M. 2003 Seductions of Pseudoarchaeology: Pseudoscience in Cyberspace. Archaeology Volume (56:3). https://archive.archaeology.org/0305/etc/web.html, accessed December 7, 2019.

Wade, Lizzie. 2019 Believe in Atlantis? These archaeologists want to win you back to science. American Association for the Advancement of Science, April 9, 2019. https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2019/04/believe-atlantis-these- archaeologists-want-win-you-back-science, accessed December 7, 2019.

Images

Figure 1. https://www.express.co.uk/news/weird/940347/Time-travel-speed-of-light-prof-aliens-built-pyramids-UFO

Figure 2. https://www.hallofmaat.com/index.html

See also

Read more about how archaeologists have dealt with pseudoarchaeology. What Archaeologists Really Think About Ancient Aliens, Lost Colonies, And Fingerprints Of The Gods

Learn more about Erich von Däniken. Erich von Daniken’s Genesis

Operation Identification Works Relentlessly to Identify Migrant Remains

Posted on December 8, 2019 by ttrumble

Figure 1: Map of Brooks County depicting locations of discovered remains.

Residents of Mexico and South America painstakingly traverse the Rio Grande Valley to cross into the United States, only to be left behind or buried without identifying markers after they fall ill from dehydration and overexertion. Nearly 650 deceased immigrants were found in Brooks County, Texas, located 70 miles north of the border within the last ten years (Burnett 2019).

As the number of migrants increases, so does the number of burials. Counties in the region once had the resources to bury and account for these individuals, but the overwhelming numbers left them at a disadvantage. Recently deceased undocumented migrants have been buried without a proper analysis completed, which includes extracting DNA for identification.

These graves are sometimes left unmarked, leaving it nearly impossible to find the remains should the ones who have undergone analysis be positively matched (Texas State University 2019).

Some of the aforementioned graves were exhumed by Dr. Lori Baker and Dr. Krista Latham, of Baylor University and the University of Indianapolis, respectively, in an effort to complete DNA sampling and hopefully bring families closure. Upon exhumation, they found most remains were in stages of decomposition, and therefore required proper storage until analyses could be performed. Texas State had the means to do so.

In 2013, Operation Identification, founded by the Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas State University, began its work to identify remains found along and near the southern Texas border. Dr. Kate Spradley, a biological anthropologist with an interest in forensic anthropology, leads the organization. The college currently holds 200 identified remains that Dr. Spradley and her team are working to identify (San Marcos Daily Record 2019).

Texas State graduate students supervised by Dr. Kate Spradley as they work in the lab.

As the deceased are brought to the lab, their belongs are bagged and frozen for later cleaning while the remains are sanitized. Dr. Spradley and her graduate students then use the remains to attempt to identify gender, height, age, and any physical abnormalities that may still be visible (Burnett 2019). The information is then processed through the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs), where it will be cross-referenced with DNA from families to find a potential match. Many families are not listed in this system, but thankfully two groups, South Texan Human Rights Center and the Equipo Argentino de Antropologia Forense, have been collecting missing persons reports and DNA samples in South America, allowing a much higher chance for the remains to be matched to relatives (Garrison 2019).

As of May this year, 287 individuals have been put into the system, 31 of which have been positively identified (Burnett 2019).

References Cited

Burnett, John

2019 After Grim Deaths in the Borderlands, An Effort To Find Out Who Migrants Were. Electronic document, https://www.keranews.org/post/after-grim-deaths-borderlands-effort-find-out-who-migrants-were, accessed 5 December, 2019.

Garrison, Dale

2019 Operation Identification: Life, Death, and Lessons on the South Texas Border. http://www.evidencemagazine.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2570&Itemid=49, accessed 5 December, 2019.

Leutert, Stephanie

2019 In the Brush in Brooks County: Who’s Dying in South Texas? Electronic document, https://www.lawfareblog.com/brush-brooks-county-whos-dying-south-texas, accessed 8 December, 2019.

San Marcos Daily Record

2019 Texas State’s Operation ID Aims To Restore Migrants’ Identities. Electronic document, https://www.sanmarcosrecord.com/news/texas-states-operation-id-aims-restore-migrants-identities, accessed December 7, 2019.

Texas State University

2019 Identifying Migrant Deaths in South Texas. Electronic document, https://www.txstate.edu/anthropology/people/faculty/spradley/Identifying-Migrant-Deaths-in-South-Texas.html, accessed 7 December 2019.

Images

Figure 1:

Leutert, Stephanie

2019 In the Brush in Brooks County: Who’s Dying in South Texas? Electronic document, https://www.lawfareblog.com/brush-brooks-county-whos-dying-south-texas, accessed 8 December, 2019.

Figure 2:

Burnett, John

Further Readings

Lee, Jenni

2019 Texas State gets funding to help identify South Texas remains. Electronic document, https://www.kvue.com/article/news/local/texas-state-gets-funding-to-help-identify-south-texas-remains/269-15951a8f-06fb-473e-be49-ed025c6f47ca.

Regan, Mark and Lorenzo Zazueta-Castro

2019 Operation Identification Involves Immigrant Remains in Texas. Electronic document, https://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/Operation-Identification-Involves-Immigrant-Remains-in-Texas-528669701.html.

Visit their Facebook page here.

Listen to NPR’s podcast about Operation Identification here.

Witchcraft: The Folklore That Provoked Fear and Mass Hysteria

Posted on December 8, 2019 by lraines

More than three hundred years after New England occupants executed twenty people accused of witchcraft, the Salem Witch Trials continue to haunt American history, inspiring books and plays such as The Crucible and capturing public imagination. These infamous trials, as well as many other cases of witchcraft accusations throughout England, exemplified a widespread belief in magic during the early modern period. The fear of witchcraft prompted colonists to fight against the presumed existence of these witches, through murder and unjust hangings (Figure 1).

Figure 1: The grave marker for Mary Parker, who was executed for witchcraft at Salem during the witch trials. Photograph by Darren McCollester.

Although the world mainly focuses on what happened at Salem, belief in witchcraft existed long before the crisis in the “Witch City” occurred (Baker 2015). In England, more than 200 people accused of being witches were executed between 1645 and 1647. Concern over the presence of witches in England soon spread to the colonies, where they began to investigate cases of witchcraft. Underlying all of the arising chaos, anxiety plagued various communities, due to the public fear of rebellions, governmental and communal conflicts, and other distressing events (Drake 1968).

People grasped onto the idea that witchcraft caused the community’s problems. Witchcraft accusations were associated with illness and death, especially among children and animals. In one case, after a woman fondled a child that wasn’t hers, the child changed color and died soon afterwards. The child’s nurse accused her of practicing dark magic, leading to the woman’s execution. However, the parents later testified that their child died because of the nurse’s neglect (Drake 1968). This case embodies how witchcraft was often used to explain unusual events such as unexpected deaths, and also to justify the murder of the accused, even if they were innocent.

The public fear of witches extends into the archaeological record; artifacts found in houses dating to the time of the trials connect to the prevalent belief in witchcraft. People would often hide material objects, like horseshoes and witch-bottles, in their homes to ward off witches, demons, and other evil spirits (Hoggard 2004). These artifacts indicate the practice of counter magic, or magic used for protection against evil.

When construction workers were dismantling a New England house built in 1681, they found an iron horseshoe on the site. The horseshoe, and its location nailed to the house near the hearth and the outside door, represented an attempt at protecting the home and its owners from witches (Baker 2015:131). People also used witch-bottles (Figure 2). Like the horseshoes, witch-bottles protected its owners against dark magic and witches; these glazed stoneware bottles contained symbolic items, like pins, nails, urine, and animal remains, that warded off witchcraft (Hoggard 2004).

Figure 2: The witch-bottles were used as a means of defense against witchcraft. Photograph from Kerry Sullivan.

The widespread presence of these items displays the extensive effects of folklore and witchcraft. The eagerness of families to practice counter magic reveals the panic of these people, desperate to protect themselves from any harm at a time of great tension in society.

The Salem Witch Trials: A case of mass hysteria

Posted on December 8, 2019 by ssaha

Between February 1692 and May 1693 in current day Massachusetts, more than 200 people were accused of witchcraft. Of them, thirty were found guilty, and nineteen of whom were executed. This period of witch trials later came to be known as the Salem witch trials, named after the town of Salem and Salem Village (present-day Danvers).

Salem Village was known for its divided population with many internal disputes about property lines, grazing rights, and church privileges. After a series of short-term ministers, Samuel Parris became the first ordained minister of Salem Village in 1689. He was not successful in solving conflicts in the village; rather he contributed to the dissonance by making well-known church members suffer public penance due to their small mistakes. This only created more division among the people. According to Historian Marion Starkey, serious conflict was inevitable in this tense environment (1949).

A map of Salem Village, 1692

In February 1692, Reverend Parris’ daughter Elizabeth, age 9, and niece, Abigail Williams, age 11, started having “fits” (Hale 1697). They would shriek, make weird sounds, crawl under furniture, and convulse into strange positions. These “fits” were considered to be supernatural in origin, and members of the community were accused of consorting with the devil and afflicting the young children through witchcraft (Lawson 1692). With the seeds of paranoia planted, more accusations arose, and more people were arrested. By the end of the month of May, a total of 62 individuals were in custody (Roach 2002).

Illustration of the Salem witch trials, depicting Mary Walcott, one of the afflicted victims

On June 2, 1962, the Court of Oyer and Terminer (to hear and decide) was established to handle the large number of people in jail for witchcraft. These trials relied heavily on spectral evidence, or testimony based on dreams or apparitions seen by the afflicted. The “touch test” was also used to determine guilt or innocence. The accused witch was told to touch a victim having a fit, and if the victim stopped having a fit, the accused was believed to have afflicted the victim (Boyer & Nissenbaum 1972). Other evidence included confessions made by accused witches, and testimony by a guilty witch who pointed out others as witches. In January 1693, the new Superior Court of Judicature convened, and those who had been accused of witchcraft, but not yet tried, went on trial. The series of trials and executions finally ended in May 1693.

The Salem witch trials are an infamous case of mass hysteria; they are an example of the consequences of religious extremism, false allegations, and lapses in the due legal processes. These trials had a lasting effect on people’s attitude towards separation of state and church, as historian George Lincoln Burr said, “the Salem witchcraft was the rock on which the theocracy shattered” (1914:197). The Salem witch trials left a lesson for the future, a caution for the outcome of unbridled religious fanaticism and over enthusiasm about the supernatural.

Further reading on Finding the exact spot of witch execution in Salem and Witch trials in Europe

Reference list:

Boyer, Paul S., Stephen Nissenbaum

1972 Salem-Village Witchcraft: A Documentary Record of Local Conflict in Colonial New England. Northeastern University Press, Lebanon, New Hampshire.

Burr, George Lincoln

1914 Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648–1706. C. Scribner’s Sons, New York.

Hale, John

1696 A Modest Enquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft. B. Green and J. Allen, Boston.

Lawson, Deodat

1692 A Brief and True Narrative of Some Remarkable Passages Relating to Sundry Persons Afflicted by Witchcraft, at Salem Village: Which happened from the Nineteenth of March, to the Fifth of April, 1692. Benjamin Harris, Boston.

Roach , Marilynne K.

2002 The Salem Witch Trials: A Day-To-Day Chronicle of a Community Under Siege. Cooper Square Press, New York.

Starkey, Marion L.

1949 The Devil in Massachusetts. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, New York.

Images: Figure 1, Figure 2

Real Archaeology

ANTH 100 searches for the truth