In 1985 a Texan man stands by a mass grave in Argentina. He wears beaten down cowboy boots and speaks with a warm southern drawl. His work will help identify countless human remains around the globe. This man is Clyde Snow. 

Born in the town of Fort Worth, Texas in 1928, Snow would go on to be expelled from high school, drop out of his first university, and join the air force before earning his Phd in anthropology. His career began investigating airplane crashes with the Federal Aviation Administration and progressed into work in crime scene investigation, historical documentation, and human rights efforts (O’Dell). 

Figure 1. Clyde Snow 1986. Photograph by David Longstreath (Associated Press)

In the early stages of his career, modern analysis techniques weren’t widely used, and most scientists relied on the Bertillon system, which involved a series of different measurements ranging from the little finger to the femur (Snow 1982:98). Snow developed techniques himself using the knowledge he gained while working towards his doctorate. He could estimate the age of an individual by examining the fusion of growth plates through a process called ossification, and behavioral information like handedness or muscle use was revealed to him by differences in arm length and bone density respectively. Some of his most influential developments came from analysis of the skull, which allowed him to estimate facial structure, sex and ancestry – this knowledge made him a pioneer in the field of facial reconstruction (McFadden 2014). Snow’s ten step process of forensic anthropology outlines the proper order of investigation and is still taught around the world today (Snow 1982:104).

Figure 2. Clyde Snow and Argentinian volunteers 1985. Photograph courtesy of Clyde Snow

Snow used these techniques in a wide variety of settings, ranging from the identification of victims of serial killers to documentation of mass grave sites. One of these large scale burial sites was located in Argentina, where a group of students assisted him in analyzing the skeletons of over five hundred individuals who disappeared during the seven year “dirty war”. These individuals showed evidence of violent torture, and the work of Snow and his students lead to legal ramifications for those involved in the disappearances. He did similar work in Croatia and El Salvador, and investigated mass murder cases in Ethiopia, Guatemala, and the United States – including the victims of infamous serial killer John Wayne Gacy (Well 2014). His work also had significant effects on the interpretation of history, particularly when he identified the remains of Nazi “Angel of Death” Josef Mengele in Brazil. 

Figure 3. Clyde Snow presenting at the trial of the Argentinian Junta 1985. Photograph by Daniel Muzio.

However, it was his efforts in the investigation of the murder of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy that sparked immense rewards for the field of forensic anthropology. His confirmation of the president’s x-rays pushed the American Academy of Forensic Sciences to make forensic anthropology an official specialty (Well 2014). In his words, the field of forensic anthropology is “the application of the physical anthropologist’s specialized knowledge of the human sexual, racial, age, and individual variation to problems jurisprudence”, and though it is straightforward in practice, the effects that field has had on criminal investigation and historical documentation cannot be underestimated (Snow 1982:128).

REFERENCES:

McFadden, Robert.

    2014. Clyde Snow, Sleuth Who Read Bones from King Tut’s to Kennedy’s, Dies at          86. The New York Times.

     https://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/17/us/clyde-snow-forensic-detective-who-               found-clues-in-bones-dies-at-86.html. Accessed October 1, 2022.

O’Dell, Larry.

     Clyde Snow. Oklahoma Historical Society | OHS. 

     https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=SN001.  Accessed             October 1, 2022

Weil, Martin.

     2014. Clyde Snow, Forensic Anthropologist Who Identified Crime Victims, Dies at           86. The Washington Post. WP Company.                                   

     https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/obituaries/clyde-snow-famed-forensic-             anthropologist-dies-called-grave-digging-detective/2014/05/16/f93778a4-dd44-           11e3-bda1-9b46b2066796_story.html. Accessed October 1, 2022

Snow, Clyde.

1982. Forensic Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology. Volume(11):97-131.

     https://www.jstor.org/stable/2155777. 

FURTHER READING

http://aboutforensics.co.uk/clyde-snow/ 

https://www.criminaljustice.ny.gov/ojis/history/bert_sys.htm 

https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/dr-clyde-snows-legacy-using-forensic-anthropology-to-investigate-human-rights-abuses 

When thinking about archaeology, we immediately think about Indiana Jones trying to find a gold artifact and selling it for money. However, TV is often misleading, and archaeology is more than finding and selling precious artifacts. Archaeology is the study of past people through their material remains, and people alive can have a relationship with the dead through archaeology. 

Those people had a past, and most of them believed that there was a reason why bodies had to be buried. For example, the dead were used as a symbol of power in religion in the middle age. Digging up a body without knowing why it was buried is unethical (Sayer 2010, 14). When is it ethical to dig up or own the past? Yale University held crates found at Machu Picchu. Peru claimed their property, and Yale University decided to return some pieces after World War I but said they could keep some under the laws of the day. (Orson, 2011) 

The ethical dilemma comes from whether those artifacts belong to Yale or not. In the past, archaeologists would disrespect people and artifacts and put them in a museum. Even though the local community already knew about the site (Swanson 2009, 471), Yale University was focused on finding more artifacts and doing more research because, by that time, they were in the process of becoming a research university (Swanson 2009, 473). They got the Peruvian government’s approval and help, and after agreeing that the artifacts found would be the property of the Peruvian government, the law was not enforced. In response, Peruvians modified an 1893 law that states that exporting any Inca monument is prohibited because they are national property. After that, Yale could only export a few artifacts, but remains and artifacts are still taken (Swanson 2009, 474). Among all the antiques that Yale took, there were human bones, jewelry, ceramics, and tools. Undoubtedly, they did not care about the Peruvians’ rights. Sometimes it is about decency because it does not sound good to disturb the resting place of a person to satisfy inquisitiveness or gain power.

Figure 1. A small aryballos — a pottery form generally used to carry oils or perfumes — is one of the artifacts Yale University is returning to Peru. (Orson 2011)

Yale University did not ask the community if they were okay with the artifacts being presented in their museum. In the first place, they did not have permission from Peru’s government to take those artifacts to the U.S. Peru’s government tried to claim their property. However, Yale University told them that the University could not do that because its prestige would be enhanced (Swanson 2009, 476). However, their prestige ended when Peru publicly warned Yale that they would charge them with criminal charges if the artifacts were not returned (Alderman 2014, 2). The public shamed Yale University since many influencers and Peruvians started to share the case on the internet (Alderman 2014, 2). Yale University agreed to return the artifacts by the end of 2012, and Peru is okay with Yale University. (Orson 2011) 

Figure 2. Peruvians held a demonstration in Lima demanding that Yale return the artifacts Bingham took (Orson 2011)

References 

1. Artifacts to Peru.” NPR. NPR, December 18, 2011. https://www.npr.org/2012/01/01/143653050/finders-not-keepers-yale-returns-artifacts-to-peru. 
2. Swanson, Stephanie. “Repatriating Cultural Property: The Dispute between Yale and Peru over the Treasures of Machu Picchu,” San Diego International Law Journal 10, no. 2 (2009): 469-494 https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/sdintl10&i=482. 
3. Alderman, Kimberly. “Yale’s Repatriation of the Machu Picchu Artifacts to Peru.” SSRN, February 18, 2014. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2395686. 

Further readings

1. Strauss, Mark. “When Is It Okay to Dig up the Dead?” Adventure. National Geographic, May 3, 2021. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/adventure/article/160407-archaeology-religion-repatriation-bones-skeletons. 
2. Alderman, Kimberly. “Yale Agrees to Return Machu Picchu Artifacts to Peru: Ethics-Based Repatriation Efforts Gain Steam.” SSRN, January 4, 2011. https://deliverypdf.ssrn.com/delivery.php?ID=090103100025098126126127083007069127036021052020003021097012125098072089095111081067107009018111044039116071007101005002026020030078032034039075092119026099010066031049073021022088078071090026004000007027003119026022109002001105088102110095006021120&EXT=pdf&INDEX=TRUE. 

On April 24th, 1961, a crowd watched as a massive ship emerged from beneath the waves near a Swedish harbor.  This ship was the Vasa, a Swedish military vessel that sank in 1628 and had been sitting on the ocean floor for hundreds of years.  Incredibly, the Vasa remained in good condition, with over 90% of its wood and many artifacts remaining, including coins, shoes, and partially-preserved human remains (Laursen 2012).  While the rediscovery of the Vasa (Figure 1) presented unprecedented challenges for archaeologists, the successful preservation of the objects and remains on board provides valuable information about life in 17th-century Sweden.  

Figure 1: The Vasa, preserved at the Vasa Museum. Retrieved from https://www.vasamuseet.se.

One of the primary factors that allowed the Vasa to be preserved was the cold, brackish water that surrounded it (Robson 2009); the salty water killed microbes or other pests that would have normally eaten the ship apart.  As a result, archaeologists could easily observe the ship once it was raised.  Somewhere between 17 and 20 skeletons were found on the Vasa, with some even containing fingernails and hair (Larsson 2022).  The first step to categorizing the bodies was identifying whether or not they were human (Renfrew 2018, 233-234).  Upon investigation, archaeologists found bones from cats, birds, pigs, cows, and fish on the ship, in addition to humans (Figure 2) (Larsson 2022).  One of the most notable facts about the human bodies was how short they were, with the tallest person being around 5’9″ (Larsson 2022).  This was likely due to their diet, with lack of access to food being common in cold Swedish winters.  In contrast to their diet on land, however, there was plenty of food available on the ship.  In addition to the varied sources of meat mentioned earlier, the sailors also brought fishing equipment and hunting weapons to replenish their food supply if necessary (Larsson 2022).  

Figure 2: Two facial reconstructions of individuals found on the Vasa. Retrieved from https://www.vasamuseet.se.

The archaeological remains aboard the Vasa also provide insight into the culture of the time as they demonstrate the social dynamic aboard the ship.  As an example, the bodies of two women and children were found aboard, supporting the notion that Swedish sailors brought their families onto warships when not in battle (Larsson 2022).  In addition, many of the bodies bear some of the first documented evidence of work-related injuries, with patterns of damage along bones suggesting that they were crushed or scarred by parts of the ship (Bjarvall 1994).  The ages of the sailors recovered also indicate that the men aboard the ship were conscripted into service, with most bodies being somewhere between 18-65 years old.  

Overall, the natural and archaeological preservation of the ship combined with bioarchaeological analysis of the humans and animals on board create a vivid depiction of Swedish naval life in the 1600s.  The archaeological techniques that have been so successful at revealing the culture inside a ship that sat for centuries under the ocean remain a model for what’s possible in the world of bioarchaeology today. 

References

Bjarvall, Katarina. “Skulls Telling Tales of Ancient Mariners : Sweden: Skeletons from a 1628 Shipwreck Give a Glimpse of How the Sailors Looked and Lived. Hollywood’s Portrayals Turn out to Be Pretty Accurate.” Los Angeles Times, 10 July 1994, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-07-10-mn-13813-story.html.

Larsson, Martina. Studies of the Skeletons Tell Us about the People Onboard the Vasa. https://www.vasamuseet.se/en/explore/research. Accessed 29 Sept. 2022.

Laursen, Lucas. Vasa’s Curious Imbalance – Archaeology Magazine Archive. Aug. 2012, https://archive.archaeology.org/1207/features/vasa_warship_sweden_stockholm_harbor.html. Accessed 29 Sept. 2022.

Renfrew, Colin, and Paul Bahn. 2018. Archaeology Essentials: Theories, Methods, and Practice. Fourth edition. Thames & Hudson. 2018.

Robson, Sandra. “Ghost Ships of the Baltic.” Nautical Archaeology Quarterly, vol. 36, no. 1.  Spring 2009, https://nauticalarch.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/36.1-sm.pdf.

Further Reading

Larsson, Martina. The Vasa Museum homepage. https://www.vasamuseet.se/en. Accessed 29 Sept. 2022.

Wheatley, David. Saving the Swedish Warship, VASA. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MU1jA9jnNJ8. Accessed 29 Sept. 2022.

Human technology has come a long way. Presently, there are tools everywhere that humans use on a daily basis, but that was not always the case. Homo habilis, a human ancestor that lived roughly 2.4 to 1.5 million years ago, was previously thought to be the first species to make and use primitive tools. The name Homo habilis even translates to handyman due to their remains frequently being found with Oldowan tools. Oldowan tools or Oldowan Industrial Complexes are stone cores that have been struck to break flakes off of them to leave a sharper edge to the stone that could be used for slicing animal carcasses. At one point, Oldowan Industrial Complexes were thought to have been the first evidence of human cultural behavior, but that is no longer the case.

An artist’s rendition of a member of the species Homo habilis making a tool of the Oldowan type.

In 2011, researchers in Kenya discovered stones used for cutting and hammering dating 3.3 million years ago, hundreds of thousands of years before Archeologists believed the first tools were created. Such a drastic shift in timeline brings up numerous questions with one being, “who used these primitive tools?” Though recent evidence suggests that the origin of the genus Homo could be as old as 2.8 million years, that would still not be old enough for a member of the genus Homo to have created the first tools. Dr. Taylor, from the National Centre of Scientific Research (CNRS) in France, remarks, “There are a number of possible candidates at present.” The two hominins that are most likely to have been the first tool users, however, are Australopithecus afarensis and Kenyanthropus platyops. Both species were present in Kenya 3.3 million years ago, and both species were previously thought to not be intelligent enough to use tools, but that idea has since been contested.

Oldowan Choppers from the Olduvai Gorge

Though the more primitive tools are similar to Oldowan Industrial Complexes, consisting of flakes, cores, and anvils, archaeologist Sonia Harmand of Stony Brook University proposed that the new discovery be labeled Lomekwian technology. Cut marks on animals bones dating 3.4 million years ago suggest that Lomekwian technology also served the same purpose as Oldowan tools, but Sonia Harmand still believes that they must be in a separate category, as they look too different and are too old compared to Oldowan implements to describe the same technology. Human technology is ever-changing but its origin is finally understood.

References:

Balter, Michael. “World’s Oldest Stone Tools Discovered in Kenya.” Science, https://www.science.org/content/article/world-s-oldest-stone-tools-discovered-kenya.

“Homo Habilis: Early Toolmakers.” The Human Journey, 17 June 2020, https://humanjourney.us/discovering-our-distant-ancestors-section/homo-habilis/#:~:text=habilis%20fashioned%20and%20used%20primitive,scraping%20off%20meat%20from%20bones.

Morelle, Rebecca. “Oldest Stone Tools Pre-Date Earliest Humans.” BBC News, BBC, 20 May 2015, https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-32804177.

“A Snapshot of Human Origins.” NPR, NPR, 11 June 2003, https://www.npr.org/2003/06/11/1295460/a-snapshot-of-human-origins#:~:text=Homo%20habilis%2C%20which%20actually%20means,than%20the%20Homo%20erectus%20brain.

In the 1920’s and 1930’s, a great number of distinctive stone tools were found near Clovis, New Mexico. Named “Clovis points,” their size and symmetrical shape, along with the indents found on either side of each specimen, indicated that these were spear tips. These Clovis points were often found in close association with mastodon remains, and unequivocal evidence for the hunting of mastodons with these tools was later discovered at a kill site in Kimmswick, Missouri. The only direct evidence of the “Clovis people” available are these sites, and thus we know very little about them (Tankersley, Waters and Stafford 2009, 566). However, by considering what we do know about them and relating it to general characteristics of modern hunter-gather societies, we can infer more about the lives of these ancient people than one might think.

Artist rendition of American mastodon

First, we must establish that the Clovis people were modern humans so that the generalizations made can be applied to them. Besides the fact that it is generally accepted by the scientific community that Homo Sapiens were the only human species to reach the Americas, the Clovis people themselves demonstrated that they are Homo Sapiens through their construction and use of complex tools. In Big Bone Lick, Kentucky, Clovis points were found alongside blade tools, one which was shown to be struck from a prepared polyhedral core made of Fort Payne chert, which was likely found locally (Tankersley, Waters and Stafford 2009, 566). Such tool specialization and complexity in design has only ever been connected with groups of Homo Sapiens. The Clovis people had an end goal in mind before the creation of these tools, and as such they are clear indicators of a level of thinking only matched by Homo Sapiens.

Clovis points from various North American sites

Enactivist theory in cognitive science posits that cognition, and by extension reflections of higher cognition such as social organization and culture, arise from interactions between an organism and its environment. In hunter-gatherer societies, because the subsistence of the society depends wholly on the natural world and one’s ability to navigate it, traditions surrounding the belief that nature and animals are sacred often develop. Thus, using enactivist theory, we can speculate that the Clovis people had a reverence for the mastodon, likely had a pantheon of gods or spirits which coincided with their perceived distinct elements of nature, and lived in closely-knit, mostly egalitarian units which would have facilitated their main method of subsistence, hunting (Evy Van 2020, 306).

Additional Links

3-D computer analysis of Clovis points:

https://insider.si.edu/2012/05/3d-imaging-adds-remarkable-dimension-to-understanding-of-north-americas-clovis-stone-points/

To learn more about finding evidence for mastodon butchery:

https://pennstate.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/mastodon-butchery-microscopic-evidence-of-carcass-processing-and-

Image Links

Mastodon:

https://www.gear-gear.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Mastodon.jpg

Clovis Points:

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Matthew-Boulanger/publication/275833717/figure/fig2/AS:614341334282249@1523481796631/Clovis-points-from-various-North-American-sites-Photo-by-Charlotte-D-Pevny-courtesy-M.png

Works Cited

Cauteren, Evy Van. 2020. “Hunting Ideology and Ritual Treatment of Animal Remains             in Hunter- Gatherer Societies: An Enactive Anthropological Approach.” Journal of           anthropological research 76, no. 3 (2020): 296–325. Chicago: The University of               Chicago Press. 

Tankersley, Kenneth B, Michael R Waters, and Thomas W Stafford. Jul., 2009. “Clovis and the American Mastodon at Big Bone Lick, Kentucky.” American antiquity 74, no. 3 (2009): 558–567. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Boglands pock Ireland’s countryside with blankets of undulating, desolate terrain. They are constitutionally bleak: acidic water permeates every nook and cranny of the spongy earth and a thick mop of Sphagnum moss on the surface occludes oxygen and heat, slowing both growth and decay to a frigid lull. But as the Irish, and many other northern communities, have found, boglands make for excellent refrigerators, and in Bronze Age Irish communities where butter was not only a food, but a currency and way of life, bog refrigeration transfixed and delighted.  

A blanket peat bog in Derbyshire, England. Martyn Williams, 2020.

As predominantly pastoralist cultures, Irish communities would migrate with their cattle into the hills during the summer and fall months. This practice, called booleying, capitalized on the late-season surge of grass in the ‘upland’ and gave pastures in the ‘downland’ time to recover from winter and spring grazing. While whole families would often move together (furniture and all), it was almost exclusively the work of girls and young women to milk and tend to cattle. Throughout their several month stay, these women produced butter at a staggering rate, stockpiling for the ‘lean season’ in surplus, when they would use their butter as both a source of nourishment and currency for trade. To keep their precious bounty from going rancid, they turned to bogs: packing the butter first into wooden containers, then burying it deep in the bitter muck.

A 2,325-year-old bog butter weighing almost 30 lbs recovered from Roseberry in County Kildare alongside the keg it was found in. National Museum of Ireland.

When the grass in the hills had been depleted and the cows had grown fat with its sustenance, the pastoral communities would pack up, unearth their hoards of butter, and venture back down from the booley. In the process of leaving, however, they frequently abandoned a container of butter or two, unable to locate them in the bog’s dark turf. Fast forward to the 17th century CE and the emergence of turf cutting in Ireland. As workers carved into the archaic bogs, harvesting crude, carbon-rich peat to burn for fuel and warmth, they occasionally stumbled across wooden containers stained black from tannins. The butter within these rediscovered kegs was notably changed, having hardened and yellowed from thousands of years underground; its taste, reportedly cheesy and acrid. It is rather paradoxical, however, that the desecration of the land which made dairy preservation possible 3,500 years ago is the primary means of learning about it.

Turf cutters harvesting peat from a bog in County Galway, Ireland. iStock Photo.

Now, as archaeologists and turf cutters continue to unearth these parcels, and with the advent of radiocarbon dating, an acting typology for bog butter containers has been established, permitting a more precise chronology of Irish pastoralism and reaffirming the roots of modern Irish civilization in the dairy industry. 

Further Reading:

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/a-brief-history-of-bog-butter-180959384/

https://www.jstor.org/stable/26844466

References:

Earwood, Caroline. “Bog Butter: A Two Thousand Year History.” The Journal of Irish Archaeology 8 (1997): 25–42. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30001649.

Costello, Eugene. “The Lost Art of ‘booleying’ in Ireland,” August 31, 2021. https://www.rte.ie/brainstorm/2021/0422/1211486-booleying-ireland-summer-migration/.

Green, Cynthia. “Bog Butter Barrels and Ireland’s 3000-Year-Old Refrigerators.” JSTOR Daily, October 19, 2017. https://daily.jstor.org/irelands-3000-year-old-refrigerators/.

“Irish Bog Butter Proven to Be ‘3500 Years’ Past Its Best Before Date.” Accessed September 25, 2022. https://www.ucd.ie/newsandopinion/news/2019/march/14/irishbogbutterproventobe3500yearspastitsbestbeforedate/.

The Irish Times. “Saving Bogland: Stop Cutting Turf? I’d Say ‘No Way!’” Accessed September 25, 2022. https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/heritage/saving-bogland-stop-cutting-turf-i-d-say-no-way-1.4840017.

1) “Cliff Palace” at Mesa Verde National Park

Sometimes archaeological discoveries are made by accident. This has happened many times throughout history. A great example with Richard Wetherill and his brother in law Charles Mason. The two were ranchers in Mesa Verde in the southwest Colorado area. On December 18, 1888 the brothers rode to a cliff, herding cattle, where they unexpectedly saw a ruined site built into a cliff. Richard would go on to describe it saying that it was arranged in a way that made it seem like they were “visiting.” Richard came up with the name for this mind blowing site: “The Cliff Palace.”

2) Pueblo Mug

went into the site and found extremely well preserved pieces of pottery and other interesting artifacts. He saw the 150 rooms and 23 kivas that made up the site. Through much more research and work on the dwelling many conclusions were able to be drawn about the people that lived and created this site. Archaeologists determined that the people who lived here were the Ancestral Pueblos from the Pueblo III period. The Ancestral Pueblos were thought to have built the site in the 1200s. They were said to have moved to the area in order to ensure safety and a warmer, drier climate. Living in the cave area also helped keep everything in the site extremely well preserved. The artifacts were protected from pot-hunters and the buildings were protected from weathering effects because of its hidden cliff location. There were an estimated 625 people who lived in this dwelling. The people all had rooms for family and then they would share a Kiva for their ritual gatherings. A Kiva is an underground, excavated room for people to practice their religion. Extended family members would share these in order to perform their ceremonies.

At the Cliff Palace many artifacts were able to be found. It is stated that baskets, sandals, jewelry, textiles, and pottery were found. Pottery being the most important. Pottery showed skill and technology at this time. The Ancestral Pueblos living here were starting to make the pottery multi-colored as well. Another important thing found at Cliff Palace was Macaw feathers. These feathers were extremely significant because they were from Central America, showing trade.

Now Cliff Palace is a part of the Mesa Verde National Park. Thousands of people from around the world come and visit to see the amazing site year round. With these tours the area and buildings have been seeing more rapid deterioration. With this there are conservation efforts in place trying to keep the site as long as possible.

References

Simmons, Marc. “Trail Dust: Mesa Verde Pioneer Richard Wetherill Met a Tragic End.” Santa Fe New Mexican, June 5, 2015.

Yongli. “Cliff Palace.” Articles | Colorado Encyclopedia, May 25, 2016. https://coloradoencyclopedia.org/article/cliff-palace.

“Artifact Gallery.” National Parks Service. U.S. Department of the Interior. Accessed September 25, 2022.

Links

https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-art-history/indigenous-americas-apah/north-america-apah/a/mesa-verde-cliff-dwellings

https://www.santafenewmexican.com/news/trail_dust/trail-dust-mesa-verde-pioneer-richard-wetherill-met-a-tragic-end/article_bfe75db8-4ba6-56e6-b4d8-aa5eab2d3d7b.html

The Tigris and Euphrates rivers have existed for as long as we can remember, with their names found in many historical texts of the past, even mentioned in prophecies of the future. The Tigris river runs parallel to the Euphrates River, eventually joining and flowing into the Persian Gulf in the lowlands in an area known as Shatt Al-Arab (Sweeney, 2022). These two rivers, along with river Nile of northeastern Africa supply the Fertile Crescent, which is a rich soil area of the Middle East, and the cradle of civilization. Both rivers are also known for their relation to Mesopotamia (a land between two rivers, namely Tigris and Euphrates), which is located in the Fertile Crescent (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Map of the Fertile Crescent. via Getty Images.

These rivers are referenced in books like the Bible and Hadith during the creation of all things, and are even included in prophecies about the end of time, which gives testament to their longevity. But for the past few years, the great rivers Tigris and Euphrates of the Middle East are experiencing one of their lowest levels in history, with the threat of them both running completely dry within two decades due to human activity and climate change (figures 2). (Cheeseman, 2021)

Figure 2: An aerial view of the Tigris river.  via Jordan News, 2022.

Nevertheless, the drought arrived with some benefits, especially in the realm of archeology. Many artifacts are being unearthed from both the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which are dating back thousands of years, most notably a 3,400 year old city. This settlement emerged from the waters of the Tigris river, specifically the Mosul reservoir, which is located in northern Iraq (once known as Saddam Dam) earlier this year as the water levels dropped due to the extreme drought present in the area. Archeologists discovered sites and artifacts dating back to the Mittani Empire era of the Bronze Age, specifically between 1550 and 1350 BC, and that the urban center containing large buildings and palaces could be an ancient city called Zahiku. (Golder et al., 2022) The Mittani Empire was once a very prosperous nation, comparable to the likes of Assyria, Egypt and Babylon, and ruled over the northern Euphrates-Tigris region and stretched from present-day northern Iraq, through Syria and into Turkey. (Mark et al., 2021).

A class-based hierarchy existed in this kingdom, with the ruling class known as Maryannu. Their downfall was caused by the invasion and subsequent occupation of these neighboring kingdoms who sought to break their hold on their extensive trade routes. Due to fear of rising water levels in the dam once more, archeologists quickly mapped the city (figure 3), which was “astonishingly well preserved” despite being made of unfired clay, and survived more than 40 years of being underwater (UNIVERSITY OF TÜBINGEN, 2022). The city found in Mosul Dam was destroyed by an earthquake at around 1350 BC, and eventually submerged due to the rising water levels resulting from the construction of the dam in the 1980s (Tarzi, 2022).

Figure 3: Archeology at the Mosul Dam, Tigris River. via UNIVERSITY OF TÜBINGEN.

On the Euphrates side of things, the receding waters have uncovered more than 80 historical sites that included jails and cemeteries belonging to an ancient city of Telbas, which date back to before Christ. According to Shafaqna Persian (2022) Telbas prison (figure 4) is actually a collection of graves belonging to the Assyrian period.

Figure 5: “Telbas Prison”: The tombs of the Assyrian period. via Shafaqna Persian. 

Even as the rivers are at threat of disappearing, they are still providing. At the threat of disappearing we are still being given valuable resources. If the water levels of these two rivers continue to lower, we will continue to find more historical artifacts and sites that bring a different value to the world, but at a great cost. 

Further Readings: 

Cradle of civilization

History of Tigris and Euphrates

Era of the Mittani Empire

Dropping water levels reveal new archeological sites, artifacts in Euphrates, Tigris rivers

References

Cheeseman, Abbie. 2021. “Iraq’s mighty rivers Tigris and Euphrates ‘will soon run dry.’” The Times. https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/iraqs-mighty-rivers-tigris-and-euphrates-will-soon-run-dry-q5h72g5sk. 

Golder, Joseph, Newt Gingrich, Michael Medved, Daniel R. DePetris, and Josh Hammer. 2022. “Archaeologists Rush to Investigate 3,400-Year-Old City Emerging From Tigris River.” Newsweek. https://www.newsweek.com/archaeologists-rush-investigate-3400-year-old-city-emerging-tigris-river-1711827. 

Mark, Joshua J., Simeon Netchev, and Gwendolyn Leick. 2021. “Mitanni.” World History Encyclopedia. https://www.worldhistory.org/Mitanni/. 

Recker, Jane. 2022. “Drought in Iraq Reveals 3,400-Year-Old City | Smart News.” Smithsonian Magazine. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/drought-in-iraq-reveals-3400-year-old-city-180980188/. 

Shafaqna Persian. 2022. “Iraq: Lowering Euphrates water level reveals underwater ancient areas.” International Shia News Agency. https://en.shafaqna.com/274459/lowering-euphrates-water-level-reveals-80-under-water-ancient-areas-in-western-iraq/. 

Sweeney, Jane. 2022. “Tigris River.” National Geographic Society. https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/tigris-river. 

Tarzi, Nazli. 2022. “Zakhiku, Iraq’s ‘Atlantis on the Tigris’ revealed by drought.” The New Arab. https://english.alaraby.co.uk/features/zakhiku-iraqs-atlantis-tigris-revealed-drought. 

UNIVERSITY OF TÜBINGEN. 2022. “A 3400-year-old city emerges from the Tigris River | University of Tübingen.” Uni Tübingen. https://uni-tuebingen.de/en/university/news-and-publications/press-releases/press-releases/article/a-3400-year-old-city-emerges-from-the-tigris-river/.

In order to truly understand the past, it is necessary to determine the social nature of early societies. A prime field of study that aids in this analysis is ethnoarchaeology. Ethnoarchaeology examines experiences, artifacts, and any existing structures in present, living societies to draw inferences about the past. This study also requires the archeologist to ask questions that go beyond what is apparent in archaeological records (Renfrew and Bahn 2018, 143-148). 

As archaeologists are always looking to learn more about the past, there are constantly new discoveries being made around the world. Over the past few years, the Makran Sefidkuh mountains of the Baluchistan region of Iran have been analyzed using ethnoarchaeology. In 2016, Hossein Vahedi began conducting an archeological survey on the region as part of his thesis at Shahrekord University. Later, he continued his work and began an ethnoarchaeological project through the Public Relations Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism. The goal of the ethnoarchaeological project was to survey the living communities in the ​​Makran Sefidkuh region and to identify settlement continuity patterns. Having a combination of desert and mountain climates, along with the Paleolithic, Chalcolithic, and Islamic cultures present, the Sefidkuh area was especially interesting to the archaeologist (Vahedi 2020).

Figure 1. Map created to show the region being surveyed (Vahedi 2020).

Within the mountain region, 12 current settlements were identified. Some of the present buildings are circular, and some are ovular. They were constructed out of various materials, primarily mud and stone. A survey of the region revealed items such as pottery fragments, circular gravestones, and Islamic glass bracelets and cemeteries. The circular gravestones resemble that of those discovered in Oman and Pakistan. Due to the proximity of Sefidkuh to these countries, it is speculated that it was a major area of trade between the Baluchistan and Sistan communities and the Persian Gulf’s smaller, southern communities. Supporting this theory is that the pottery found was one of the Baluchistan’s special index potteries, Londo. Londo pottery has been found in Fras, Pakistan, and other sites, for it is one of the most substantial pottery groups in the Makran region and neighboring areas (Heritage Daily 2020). Additionally, it is believed because of the seemingly permanent settlements, yet strategic significance of the location for trade, that Sefidkuh has been home to many groups of semi-sedentary nomadic people (Heritage Daily 2020). This would imply that the inhabitants of the region were mostly mobile, but also lived in these permanent settlements for at least some of the year. 

Figure 2. One of the circular houses in the region (Vahedi 2020).

Although the specifics of the past communities in Sefidkuh are yet to be identified, it is the study of ethnoarchaeology that allows for the societal mysteries of the past to be uncovered using what is available today. Without this methodology, our understanding of the present day Baluchistan region would just be basic knowledge of archeological finds, there wouldn’t be as much interpretation of its predecessors. 

References:

Heritage Daily. “Archaeological Survey and Ethnoarchaeological Studies in Sefidkuh of Makran, Iran.” HeritageDaily, May 13, 2020. https://www.heritagedaily.com/2020/05/archaeological-survey-and-ethnoarchaeological-studies-in-sefidkuh-of-makran-iran/129091. 

Renfrew, Colin, and Paul Bahn. 2018. Archaeology Essentials: Theories, Methods, and Practice. Fourth edition. Thames & Hudson.

Vahedi, Hossein. “Ane Today – 202008 – the First Archaeological and Ethnoarchaeological Survey Project in the Sefidkuh Makran Mountains of Baluchistan.” American Society of Overseas Research (ASOR), August 21, 2020. https://www.asor.org/anetoday/2020/08/survey-baluchistan. 

Further Readings:

https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-1-4419-0465-2_284#:~:text=Although%20the%20term%20ethnoarchaeology%20was,interested%20in%20ethnographic%20analogy%20in

Research Scholar

Mistaken by Spanish colonizers as satanic worship, the kachina figure was an integral part of the culture of the Pueblo People. Consisting of indigenous tribes including the Hopi, Zuni, Acoma, and Laguna, the Pueblo People occupied much of the Southwestern United States. They were largely farmers and hunters, leaving behind important archaeological sites such as underground kivas, cliff dwellings, pottery, and kachina dolls. These items played an important role in Pueblo religion and culture.

To the Pueblo People, nature was personified as entities known as the kachina. They represented anything from stars to various animals to even other tribes, and tended to be expressed in three ways: as spiritual beings, as masked dancers, and as dolls. The kachina were credited with first teaching humans–specifically the Hopi–how to make tools, hunt, use medicine, and live off the land. To the Pueblo People, the kachina were rain-bringers who stayed with the tribe for half of the year, serving as spiritual guides and influencing the harvest. 

Actual ritual worship of the kachina heavily depended on men. Men were the only ones allowed to don kachina masks and dance in the kivas. Kachina masks were thought of as containing a kachina’s spiritual essence, and therefore allowed said kachina to temporarily inhabit the body of the dancer. Through dance, specific spirits would be able to hear the prayers of the people, and men would be able to communicate with the entities themselves. 

Figure 1– Ho-ote Kachina Dance (Kabotie 2008)

The second prominent way in which the Pueblo People honored the kachina was with dolls. Originating with the Hopi tribe, sacred kachina dolls were carved from cottonwood roots, which were then painted using natural minerals. These figures were given to young Hopi girls during ceremonies, then hung on walls or used in other ways to decorate and watch over a home. The dolls were often passed down through families, generation after generation. As men were the only ones allowed to participate in kachina ceremonies in underground kivas, kachina dolls served as a way to keep the kachina spirits relevant to the rest of the Pueblo People. 

Figure 2– Kachina Doll (Brooklyn Museum, 1903)

Evidence of kachina art began to appear in the archaeological record as early as 1150 AD, with discoveries in the Puerco Ruins. Definitive representations of kachina in Hopi pottery began appearing in the 1300s, and extended into the 1400s. Similarly, by 1325, there were rock art depictions of kachina masks and dancers. As mentioned earlier, we also see Spanish interaction with the kachina. Colonists’ accounts record seeing “satanic paraphernalia” on display in the homes of Pueblo People–likely these were kachina dolls. Into the mid 1800s and beyond, kachina dolls were sold in the marketplace, and became accessible to non-Pueblo People. Following this, there began to be photo documentation of the kachina dolls and more archaeological research into their history. 

Appearing as dolls and in ritual regalia and practices, the kachina held an enormous role in Pueblo society and were an outlet for the agricultural society to pray for good harvests, rains, and natural conditions.

References: 

Blake Weiner, James. Kachina Cult. World History Encyclopedia, January 16, 2019, https://www.worldhistory.org/Kachina_Cult/ 

The Editors of the Encyclopedia Britannica. Kachina. August 30, 2021, https://www.britannica.com/topic/kachina 

The Editors of the Encyclopedia Britannica. Pueblo Indians. May 15, 2020, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pueblo-Indians 

Pueblo Native Americans: Their History, Culture, and Traditions. Native Hope, April 19, 2021, https://blog.nativehope.org/pueblo-native-americans-their-history-culture-and-traditions 

Weiser-Alexander, Kathy. Kachinas of the Puebloans. Legends of America, November 2021, https://www.legendsofamerica.com/na-kachina/ 

Further Readings: 

Richard H. Wilshusen, Ancestral Puebloans of the Four Corners Region, Colorado Encyclopedia, September 09, 2020, https://coloradoencyclopedia.org/article/ancestral-puebloans-four-corners-region. 

Weiser, Kathy. Kachina Types and Ceremonies. Legends of America, November 2019, https://www.legendsofamerica.com/na-kachinatypes/2/