Civic Participation and Undocumented Youth

Civic participation and civil disobedience are often thought of as rights reserved for citizens. However, given the growing human rights campaign being waged by undocumented immigrants in the United States, now might be an appropriate time to reevaluate that definition.

Judith Torney-Purta et al. (2006: 352) found that there were “significant differences favouring students who are neither immigrants nor Hispanic in knowledge of civic content and concepts, in understanding democracy, [and] in possessing the skills necessary to understand political communications.” While their sample only included legal immigrants, it is safe to assume that, as one of society’s most disenfranchised and vulnerable subgroups, undocumented immigrants feel those disadvantages doubly. Alienated by the same English proficiency, income, and education gaps that plague other immigrants, undocumented residents must also live in fear of systematic reprisal from the Immigration Naturalization Services (INS) and Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE). This underclass is constantly threatened by deportations, fines, and jailing, which forces them to conceal their identities at all costs. Were another minority so grossly marginalized, they would no doubt demonstrate against their unequal treatment. Yet those whose actions have been deemed criminal, such as “illegal aliens,” rarely invite publicity.

However, that paradigm appears to be changing. A few years ago, a handful of groups representing Latino youth organized the first Coming Out of the Shadows Day. The event was intended to restore pride to a people who had come to associate their identities with shamefulness and secrecy. Employing rhetoric similar to the gay rights movement, undocumented Latinos were encouraged to re-appropriate the stigmas against them by publicly announcing their lack of legal status. The risks are obvious – most of America’s estimated eleven million undocumented residents strive to protect themselves from being outed. Yet each year, many undocumented residents challenge their country to confront an issue that is so close to home, yet so often shunned by citizens, lawmakers, and media. The Immigrant Youth Justice League, one of the movement’s principle sponsors, claims that the coming out movement is intended to “push the boundaries of what it means to belong in the United States and call this country home – as a juxtaposition to the way the government criminalizes us and our families” (Unzueta 2011).

It is difficult to pinpoint where and when this sudden surge in undocumented activism arose. Hinda Seif (2011) cites the large-scale protests against the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act, during which demonstrators donned shirts reading “We Are All Immigrants,” as a possible catalyst. The gay rights crusade has undoubtedly been another source of inspiration. Journalist and author Jose Antonio Vargas, by far the most prominent immigrant to out himself thus far, explicitly cited Harvey Milk as an influence in his announcement (Vargas 2011). Undoubtedly, gays’ public identity revelations played some role in the startling pace at which they have advanced their agenda in the past several decades. It is understandable that an analogously marginalized subgroup would want to replicate that success. But, regardless of its exact origins, the coming out movement represents a generational shift in undocumented residents’ attitudes toward their identities and national responsibilities. Perhaps it is time to consider that civic participation is the duty of all those who feel they have a stake in their country’s fortunes.

Work Cited

Unzueta, Tania. 2011. “The Politics of Coming Out.” July 13. Retrieved 5/5/12.                                (

Seif, Hinda (2011). “Unapologetic and Unafraid: Immigrant Youth Come Out from the Shadows. Pp. 59 – 75 in New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development edited by Lene Arnett Jensen and Reed W. Larson.

Torney-Purta, Judith et al. 2006. “Differences in the Civic Knowledge and Attitudes           of Adolescents in the United States by Immigrant Status and Background.” Pp. 343 – 354            in Prospects, vol XXXVI, no. 3 edited by Fernando Reimers.

Vargas, Jose Antonio. (2011). “My Life as an Undocumented Immigrant.” The NeYork                      Times, June 22.

The Geographic Integration of Immigrants

A number of metrics are employed by sociologists to gauge the level of assimilation immigrants have achieved in their adoptive country. Some combination of education, income, language preference, and national/ethnic self-identification is generally accepted as an appropriate measure. Geographic dispersal, or the rate at which immigrants venture outside of their ethnic circles into the country-at-large, is also revealing. A group’s settlement patterns can be a sign of integration among the broader American populace. Indeed, diasporas reflect ethnic groups’ reduced reliance on compatriots for survival and their increased comfort among people of different backgrounds – two excellent barometers of assimilation. Presently, the current wave of immigrants from Latin America is displaying a surprising willingness to explore different regions of the country.

Like previous generations of immigrants, Latinos initially concentrated near their points of entry (e.g. the U.S.-Mexico border, New York City, Southern Florida). However, they are beginning to constitute a noticeable presence in interior regions as well. Indeed, while 65% of first and 61% second generation immigrants continue to reside in the West or Northeast, only 36% of the third generation call these areas home, which constitutes a remarkable drop off (Jensen 2001: 25 – 28). This affirms the theory that prolonged exposure to a nation’s customs correlates with geographic dispersal. The South (and, in particular, the Southeast) has become a popular destination for immigrants. According to the most recent Census data, North Carolina’s Latino population more than doubled (111%) over the course of the last decade and, if no Latinos had relocated to Louisiana during that same period, the state of Louisiana would have earned the rare distinction of having actually shed population. In Georgia, the non-Latino population grew 14% between 2000 and 2010, while the number of those identifying as “Hispanic or Latino” jumped an incredible 96%. Their presence surely contributed to the state’s addition of a new congressional district this year. Despite the region’s reputation as unwelcoming of foreigners (Alabama and Georgia recently passed a pair of anti-immigrant laws that are as scornful as they are draconian), Latinos continue to flock to the South. Although a handful of states still represent a disproportionate amount of the Latino population, within thirty or forty years of arriving in force, Hispanic immigrants are already colonizing regions that much older ethnic groups have failed to penetrate.

Ignoring state-by-state analysis for a moment, Latino’s local settlement patterns also display increased dispersion over time. Regardless of the era or ethnic group, cities have always been important destinations for immigrants. Population centers provide greater access to jobs and support, contain preexisting immigrant networks, and are often more affordable. It is understandable, then, that 94% of the nation’s newest arrivals, foreign-born citizens, reside there. Mirroring dispersion rates at the statewide level, far fewer of their descendents live in cities. While 75% of the third generation still live in cities, they are far more likely than their parents or grandparents to reside in a greater metro area rather than a city center (Jensen 2001: 28 – 29). While the difference in terms of miles may be modest, city centers and outer cities are often worlds apart socioeconomically and culturally. Whether it be at the macro or micro level, Latinos are displaying an astounding proclivity toward geographic dispersion. This movement of people represents a hallmark in their assimilation: the so-called borderland evaporates as Latinos begin to feel at home even when ethnic allies do not surround them.

Work Cited

U.S. Census Bureau, 2010, “The 2010 United States Census.” Retrieved 5/5/12.               (

Jensen, Leif. 2001. “The Demographic Diversity of Immigrants and Their Children.” Pp. 21 – 56 in Ethnicities edited by Rubén Rumbaut and Alejandro Portes. New York City: Russell Sage Foundation.