The Geographic Integration of Immigrants

A number of metrics are employed by sociologists to gauge the level of assimilation immigrants have achieved in their adoptive country. Some combination of education, income, language preference, and national/ethnic self-identification is generally accepted as an appropriate measure. Geographic dispersal, or the rate at which immigrants venture outside of their ethnic circles into the country-at-large, is also revealing. A group’s settlement patterns can be a sign of integration among the broader American populace. Indeed, diasporas reflect ethnic groups’ reduced reliance on compatriots for survival and their increased comfort among people of different backgrounds – two excellent barometers of assimilation. Presently, the current wave of immigrants from Latin America is displaying a surprising willingness to explore different regions of the country.

Like previous generations of immigrants, Latinos initially concentrated near their points of entry (e.g. the U.S.-Mexico border, New York City, Southern Florida). However, they are beginning to constitute a noticeable presence in interior regions as well. Indeed, while 65% of first and 61% second generation immigrants continue to reside in the West or Northeast, only 36% of the third generation call these areas home, which constitutes a remarkable drop off (Jensen 2001: 25 – 28). This affirms the theory that prolonged exposure to a nation’s customs correlates with geographic dispersal. The South (and, in particular, the Southeast) has become a popular destination for immigrants. According to the most recent Census data, North Carolina’s Latino population more than doubled (111%) over the course of the last decade and, if no Latinos had relocated to Louisiana during that same period, the state of Louisiana would have earned the rare distinction of having actually shed population. In Georgia, the non-Latino population grew 14% between 2000 and 2010, while the number of those identifying as “Hispanic or Latino” jumped an incredible 96%. Their presence surely contributed to the state’s addition of a new congressional district this year. Despite the region’s reputation as unwelcoming of foreigners (Alabama and Georgia recently passed a pair of anti-immigrant laws that are as scornful as they are draconian), Latinos continue to flock to the South. Although a handful of states still represent a disproportionate amount of the Latino population, within thirty or forty years of arriving in force, Hispanic immigrants are already colonizing regions that much older ethnic groups have failed to penetrate.

Ignoring state-by-state analysis for a moment, Latino’s local settlement patterns also display increased dispersion over time. Regardless of the era or ethnic group, cities have always been important destinations for immigrants. Population centers provide greater access to jobs and support, contain preexisting immigrant networks, and are often more affordable. It is understandable, then, that 94% of the nation’s newest arrivals, foreign-born citizens, reside there. Mirroring dispersion rates at the statewide level, far fewer of their descendents live in cities. While 75% of the third generation still live in cities, they are far more likely than their parents or grandparents to reside in a greater metro area rather than a city center (Jensen 2001: 28 – 29). While the difference in terms of miles may be modest, city centers and outer cities are often worlds apart socioeconomically and culturally. Whether it be at the macro or micro level, Latinos are displaying an astounding proclivity toward geographic dispersion. This movement of people represents a hallmark in their assimilation: the so-called borderland evaporates as Latinos begin to feel at home even when ethnic allies do not surround them.

Work Cited

U.S. Census Bureau, 2010, “The 2010 United States Census.” Retrieved 5/5/12.               (http://2010.census.gov/2010census/data/).

Jensen, Leif. 2001. “The Demographic Diversity of Immigrants and Their Children.” Pp. 21 – 56 in Ethnicities edited by Rubén Rumbaut and Alejandro Portes. New York City: Russell Sage Foundation.