{"id":818,"date":"2011-06-09T09:53:58","date_gmt":"2011-06-09T13:53:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.vassar.edu\/rosso2\/"},"modified":"2015-08-04T16:33:07","modified_gmt":"2015-08-04T20:33:07","slug":"p-9","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/catalogues\/paintings\/p-9\/","title":{"rendered":"P.9 Deposition"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/a>

P.9 Deposition<\/p><\/div>\n

1521<\/p>\n

Volterra, Pinacoteca Comunale, no. 7.1<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Panel, 941 x 201.2<\/sup><\/a> Signed and dated at the lower right on the side of the ladder: RVBEVS \/ FLO FAC \/ AS \/ MDXXI<\/em>.3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Fig.P.9a<\/a>
<\/a>Fig.P.9b<\/a> four women<\/p>\n

Fig.P.9b(2)\u00a0Magdalen[Take out extra line spacing and underline under Magdalen]<\/span><\/span>
Fig.P.9c<\/a> Christ
Fig.P.9d<\/a> Christ’s head
Fig.P.9e<\/a> bw, Christ’s head, missing area
Fig.P.9f<\/a> Magdalen\u2019s head, inscription
Fig.P.9g<\/a> John
Fig.P.9h<\/a> yellow drapery, inscription and underdrawing
Fig.P.9i<\/a> background<\/p>\n

From notes taken before the restoration of 1981 (on which, see below), the surface along the four seams of the five boards of which the panel is constructed, especially along the two seams at the right, has cracked and been repaired.\u00a0 Elsewhere a number of very small losses have been filled; there are also numerous worms holes.\u00a0 The only serious loss is a rather large area including part of Christ\u2019s right eye and part of his head and hair to the left above that eye.\u00a0 This has been inpainted with cross-hatched strokes.4<\/sup><\/a> The areas around Christ\u2019s right hand and around the lower edge of the arm supporting his knees show damage and repair.\u00a0 Damage and repainting also appear in the darkest brown areas of St. John\u2019s drapery, especially at the left, and a long scratch, partly repainted, is visible along his right arm. The upper, dark part of the drapery of the woman at the left has been repaired.\u00a0 Pentimenti can be seen at Christ\u2019s left ankle and foot, the first position of which appears to have been behind the other foot; another alteration is visible along Christ\u2019s right thigh.\u00a0 Incised lines in the gesso marking the edges of the cross and ladders and the ground line on which the foremost figures stand can be seen in places.\u00a0 In certain areas the paint is so thin, and may with time have become even more transparent, that the underdrawing on the white gesso ground of the panel is clearly visible.\u00a0 This can be seen especially in the loin cloth of Christ, in the drapery of the man with the bare back on the left ladder, in the drapery of St. John, and in that of the woman at the left.\u00a0 In the latter there are clearly visible in the drawing a different disposition of the drapery over the shoulder and a hand that the artist originally intended to show supporting the Virgin at her waist.\u00a0 Two written inscriptions are also visible, one just to the left of the underdrawing of the hand of the woman at the left, the other in the hair of the Magdalen.\u00a0 Both of these, as well as most of the underdrawing visible in the original, can also clearly be seen in the photographs of the painting.\u00a0 The first inscription is certainly under the painted surface and is written, most likely, with the dry drawing medium of the underdrawing.\u00a0 It is a word ending: oloso<\/em>, but the preceding one or two letters are not clear.\u00a0 The second inscription appears thinly painted on top of the painted surface.\u00a0 Kusenberg, 1931, 184, n. 32, reads it as: A Z 1708<\/em> and believes it to refer to the painter who restored it at that time.\u00a0 This reading seems accurate if the last digit is seen written lengthwise.\u00a0 Shearman, 1957, I, 229\u2013234, II, 220, ns. 27 and 29, and 1966, 150, 169, ns. 10\u201311, read the first inscription as: violoso<\/em> and stated that it refers to the color violet originally intended and painted here and which has subsequently faded and changed its hue.\u00a0 The other inscription he reads as: azuro<\/em> or azurro<\/em> but mistakenly places it within the drapery of the lower man on the left ladder (although he refers to Barocchi, 1950, Pl. 13, which is of the head of the Magdalen).\u00a0 Shearman\u2019s readings do not seem correct and it is not certain that the colors of Rosso\u2019s picture have significantly faded and changed hues although some of the most thinly painted areas have probably become somewhat more transparent than they were originally.\u00a0 Franklin, 1994, 66\u201367, also discussed the notes as relating to colors \u201c(not pigments)\u201d and considered the painting unfinished, as indicated not only by the notes, but also by the drawing of the unpainted hand in the figure at the left and the absence of the use of azurite which had not arrived, suggesting that Rosso left Volterra in a hurry for Florence leaving the picture to be finished by someone else following the instructions of the notes.5<\/sup><\/a> A photograph of the unframed picture (Sopr. alle Gallerie, Florence, no. 46965) and the color plates in Ciardi, 1978, show an unpainted area of a few centimeters along the sides and the top of the panel, unpainted except that the foot of the lower man on the ladder at the left and the head of St. John are extended into this strip.<\/p>\n

Vincenzo Borghini in 1557 or 1558 noted that the picture was unfinished (Williams, 1985, 19, 21, App. I E, Item 5; see below).\u00a0 Lanzi, 1789\u20131818 (1852, 162) expressed the same opinion, and this was repeated by Leoncini, 1869, 33, and Cinci, 1885, 118.\u00a0 Certain parts of the altarpiece are painted thickly and others are only barely covered with pigment as observed and discussed by Dal Mas, 1939, 122\u2013124.\u00a0 These differences can be seen as the result of Rosso\u2019s intentions, related to those of the S. Maria Nuova Altarpiece, that were planned from the very beginning of his work on the Deposition<\/em>, and not, as Dal Mas would suggest, only recognized by the artist as what he was seeking when he arrived at the state of completion now presented by the painting, nor, as Franklin thought (see above), because he abandoned the work.\u00a0 Burresci and Caleca, 1981, 27, considered what they termed the \u201cnon-finito\u201d of the painting as one aspect of the painting that came about in the process of its execution. But it should be recognized that the most thinly painted areas \u2013 the brightest highlights \u2013 allow for the light to be most intensely reflected from the white ground of the panel.\u00a0 This gives to the picture its particular and startlingly dramatic luminary effect that would otherwise not exist and which is experienced as part of the whole conception of the altarpiece.<\/p>\n

In modern times the painting was cleaned and restored in Siena by Italo Dal Mas in 1935 (Dal Mas, 1939, 118, 125), and in 1949 by Nicola Carusi of the Sovrintendenza ai Monumenti of Pisa to repair damage incurred during World War II (Fiumi, 1949, no. 33, and in Burresi and Caleca, 1981, 30).\u00a0 The picture was also cleaned and restored in 1981 by Fausto Giannitrapani under the direction of Clara Baracchini, whose report appears in Burresi and Caleca, 1981, 30. They claim that except for a few areas attacked by soda, such as the mantle worn by the woman at the left, the colors are in perfect condition.\u00a0 A new cradle with aluminum rods has replaced the dovetailing done in 1935 to hold the panels together.\u00a0 The restorations are noted in Franklin, 1994, 277, n. 56.<\/p>\n

The gray-bearded figure at the top of the cross wears a garment slightly pinkish red-orange; the drapery flying above him, a dark grayish green.\u00a0 His turban is blue-green becoming pinkish violet in the shadows; his sash is yellow-tan.\u00a0 The man on the top of the ladder at the left wears a dark gray-green garment becoming orange-pink in the light; his sash is dark green turning to light yellow-green in the light; his cape, dark tan.\u00a0 The man below him is dressed in light yellow, white in the light; the cord over his shoulder, orange-tan. Christ\u2019s flesh is yellowish green, more gray in the shadows; his hair and beard reddish; his loin cloth gray-white.\u00a0 The figure behind Christ has a gray-white sleeve just to the right of Christ\u2019s head, a dark blue-green garment and a tan sash.\u00a0 The woman at the lower left has white drapery over her shoulder, brushed with yellow, tan in the shadows; her lower garment, orange-tan, more yellow in the light; she wears a necklace of red-orange beads; her headdress is very dark green and brown.\u00a0 The tonality of the Virgin, including her flesh, is green, in response to Christ\u2019s coloring; the drapery over her head, very dark green, that around her neck, gray.\u00a0 The woman at the right of the Virgin is dressed in dull terra-cotta brown.\u00a0 Mary Magdalen wears red-orange, but more orange than the drapery of the man above the cross, becoming pink in the light; a grayish white insert at her back and a yellow tan sash; she has greenish yellow hair with dull gray-pink-lavender ribbons.\u00a0 The boy holding the ladder wears a greenish yellow tunic becoming an ashen gray in the shadows, and a dark green sash; the material around his arm is grayish lightly brushed with lavender.\u00a0 St. John has reddish hair; his undergarment, a bluish green becoming white in the light; his cloak is tan becoming more brown in the shadows and white in the light.\u00a0 The soldiers in the distance at the right are bluish green, white, and red-orange.\u00a0 The cross and ladders are brown, the outside ladders considerably darker. The sky is dark blue-green becoming somewhat lighter from the top down.\u00a0 In the background the hills are bluish green; the foreground land is brown.<\/p>\n

DOCUMENTS: There are no known primary documents related to the commission and execution of the Deposition<\/em>.\u00a0 But Franklin discovered two documents that he thinks may be related to the eventual ordering of the altarpiece and to the adornment of the chapel in which it was placed.\u00a0 Neither mentions Rosso\u2019s name and both date from when he was still in Florence in 1517 and 1518.\u00a0 The first of 1 January 1517 (Franklin, 1994, 58\u201359, 302, Appendix C, DOCUMENT 1: AFS, NA, 10048, ex-G574, Giovanni Gotti, 1514\u20131518, fol. 113r-v) pertains to the election of two syndics of the Confraternity of Santa Croce in Volterra to have painted a picture to be placed on the altar of its chapel to honor God and the Cross and to aid in saving the souls of its present, past and future members (\u201cquam facere et seu fieri facere de dictis denariis et aliis offerendis quam pingi et seu pingi facere unam tabulam mittendam et collocandam super altare dicte societatis ad homorem Die et Sancte Crucis et pro remedio animarum ipsorum fratrum et antecessorum ac successorum etc.\u201d).<\/p>\n

Following a legacy of 500 lire<\/em> from Antonio Guidi to the confraternity in 1517 to be used \u201cin adornatione dicti oratorii\u201d (Franklin, 1994, 58, 276, n. 31, ASF, NA, 10048, G574, Giovanni Gotti, 1514\u20131518, fol. 151r<\/sup>), on 3 January 1518 (modern style) four members were appointed to spend pertinent sums for decoration within a year\u2019s time (\u201cexpendendi in ornamentum dicte eorum societatis\u2026ad unum annum tantum\u201d; see Franklin, 1994, 59, 302\u2013303, Appendix C, DOCUMENT 2).\u00a0 Franklin believes it cannot be ruled out that this expenditure refers to Rosso\u2019s painting, perhaps to its frame.<\/p>\n

As noted above Rosso was in Florence when both of these documents were written, and he was there certainly until the end of 1518 executing the S. Maria Nuova altarpiece (P.5).\u00a0 It is generally assumed that before working in Volterra he was active in Piombino or elsewhere for the Lord of Piombino.\u00a0 The Deposition<\/em> is dated 1521. Hence it is not at all certain that in January of 1517 and of 1518 the confraternity could have had any knowledge of Rosso.\u00a0 Furthermore, the money to be used in 1518 was to be spent in a year.\u00a0 What may have been the case is that the first sum of 1517 which was specifically designated for an altarpiece and to which no time limit for its spending was stipulated was eventually used for Rosso\u2019s altarpiece. The artist could, then, have become known to the confraternity from his activity in not too distant Piombino.<\/p>\n

PROVENANCE: Recorded by Vasari, 1550, 797 (Vasari-Ricci, IV, 243) as in Volterra, and by Vincenzo Borghini, in 1557 or 1558 (Williams, 1985, 17, and 21, App. I E, Item 5) also as in Volterra but more specifically as in \u201cSan Francesco in una Compagnia, credo della Croce.\u201d\u00a0 In 1679 a Deposition<\/em> was seen and recorded as on the altar of the Chapel of S. Croce di Giorno (presumably at the church of San Francesco) and this almost certainly refers to Rosso\u2019s painting. (Fig.S.Croce Chapel, Volterra<\/a>)6<\/sup><\/a> It was described as having a well carved wood and gilt frame.\u00a0 There was also a chapel of S. Croce di Notte at San Francesco.7<\/sup><\/a> One of these two chapel survives and is at the right of the church on its south side, but no source has been located that independently firmly establishes its name as \u201cdi Giorno\u201d or \u201cdi Notte.\u201d\u00a0 However, Graham Smith has observed that the direction of the light in Rosso\u2019s painting is related to the source of light in the existing chapel.8<\/sup><\/a> If the Chapel of St. Croce di Notte was on the other side of San Francesco, which seems to have been its location,9<\/sup><\/a> the light there would have been in the opposite direction.\u00a0 Consequently, it appears very likely that the existing chapel is the one in which Rosso\u2019s painting was seen in 1679 and is the chapel for which the altarpiece was executed.10<\/sup><\/a> Franklin 1994, 59, 276, n. 33, gives later manuscript sources apparently all of the eighteenth century and before 1788 that also mention the altarpiece when it was in its original location but they do not clarify the exact location of it as distinct from the other chapel of S. Croce.\u00a0 Leoncini, 1869, 32\u201333, stated that in 1788 the Deposition<\/em> was moved to the Chapel of S. Carlo in the cathedral of Volterra \u201ccon approvazione sovrana dalla soppressa compagnia della Croce detta di giorno<\/em>.\u201d Bacci, in Ciardi, 1987, stated that the move took place soon after the laws of suppression of 1786; Franklin, 1994, 59 gives 1785.\u00a0 Carli, 1978, 100, and 1980, 52, wrote that this did not take place until 1850. But it is recorded there in A.F. Giachi, Saggio di ricerche storiche sopra lo stato antico a moderno di Volterra<\/em>, Florence, 1766, Siena, 1796, 200 (quoted by Lessi in Ciardi, 1987) as in the oratory of S. Carlo in the cathedral of Volterra; see also Franklin, 1994, 59, 276, n. 35.\u00a0 Also as there in 1857 in John Murray, Handbook for Travelers in Central Italy, I: Southern Tuscany and Papal States<\/em>, fourth edition, London, 219 (as in Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 68, n. 4).\u00a0 According to Ricci, 1924, 66, it was moved to the Pinacoteca in 1905 (Paolucci, 1989 156, as no. 7 of Ricci\u2019s inventory of Propriet\u00e0 Opera del Duomo sent to the ministry on 16 October 1905: Archivio del Catalogo della Soprintendenza ai Beni Artistici e Storici di Firenze, Fasc, Arte 504, anno 1905<\/em>).\u00a0 The Pinacoteca was established that year in the Palazzo dei Priori.\u00a0 After its restoration in 1981 Rosso\u2019s altarpiece was moved to the seat of the new Pinacoteca in Palazzo Solaini-Minucci; Franklin, 1994, 59, gives the date of the move as 1982.<\/p>\n

LITERATURE:<\/p>\n

\n

Vasari, 1550, 797, (Vasari-Ricci, IV, 243) immediately after the \u201cChristo morto\u201d and the \u201ccappelluccia\u201d that Rosso made for the \u201cSignor di Piombino,\u201d and just before the Dei Altarpiece of 1522: \u201ca Volterra dipinse un bellissimo deposto di Croce.\u201d<\/p>\n

Vincenzo Borghini, 1557 or 1558 (Williams, 1985, 19, 21, App. I E, Item 5): In Volterra: \u201cSan Francesco in una Compagnia, credo della Croce, \u00e8 una Sconficchatione di mano di Rosso, bello quanto la pu\u00f2, ma non finita, tal che da presso le figure hanno l\u2019aria un po\u2019 stranetta come soleva.\u201d<\/p>\n

Vasari, 1568, II, 205\u2013206 (Vasari-Milanesi, V, 158), as in Vasari, 1550.<\/p>\n

Referred to by Lanzi, 1789\u20131818 (1852, 162) as unfinished.<\/p>\n

Guida per la citt\u00e0 di Volterra<\/em>, Torrini, Volterra, 1832, 161.<\/p>\n

Burckhardt, 1855 (1904, III, 788; 1910, 838), as by Pontormo.<\/p>\n

Leoncini, 1869, 32\u201333; Cinci, 1884, 8\u20139 (see n. 6); Cinci, 1885, 118.<\/p>\n

Berenson, 1896, 129.<\/p>\n

D\u2019Annunzio, 1910, placed the picture in the Palazzo Inghirami, and gave a lyrical interpretation of it.<\/p>\n

Goldschmidt, 1911, 19\u201320, as influenced by Sienese quattrocento art.<\/p>\n

Clapp, 1916, 238.<\/p>\n

Voss, 1920, 123f., 184\u2013185, as visionary but with the clarity of a dream.<\/p>\n

Ricci, 1924, 66.<\/p>\n

For Friedlaender, 1925, 60, 73, 74, Fig. 10, 75 (1957,19, 29\u201332, Fig. 10).\u00a0 It reveals a decisive step away from the balanced and classical and towards the spiritual and subjective; he relates the picture to the latent Gothic of quattrocento art, and points out Filippino Lippi\u2019s Deposition<\/em>, finished by Perugino, as its prototype, and Michelangelo\u2019s early Piet\u00e0<\/em> as the source for Rosso\u2019s Christ.<\/p>\n

Pevsner, 1928, 28\u201329, as of 1517, and speaks of its figures as like immaterial phantoms and its formal construction as similar to that of Pontormo\u2019s Visdomini altarpiece of 1518.<\/p>\n

Battistini, 1928.<\/p>\n

Kusenberg, 1931, 14\u201316, 184, ns. 32\u201338, relates the figure of Christ to that of Sarto\u2019s lost Puccini Piet\u00e0<\/em> engraved by Agostino Veneziano in 1516, and to the seated soldier from Michelangelo\u2019s Battle of Cascina<\/em> (reproduced by the same engraver, B. 423, in 1523).<\/p>\n

Medea, 1932, 79\u201380, Pl. XIII.<\/p>\n

Venturi, IX, 5, 1932, 207\u2013208, 209, Fig. 117, 231, speaks of the influence of Northern art, especially in the caricatural figures lowering Christ\u2019s body, that transforms a Michelangelesque scheme of a Deposition<\/em> that is very clear in the upper part of the picture.<\/p>\n

Exposition de l\u2019Art italien de Cimabue \u00e0 Tiepolo, Peintures<\/em>, Paris, 1935, 186, no. 411.<\/p>\n

Kusenberg, 1935, 62.<\/p>\n

Dal Mas, 1939, 121, mentions the derivation of the figure of Christ from Michelangelo\u2019s Piet\u00e0<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Mostra del Cinquecento<\/em>, 1940, 67.<\/p>\n

Salmi, 1940, 80, speaks of the model of the Filippino Lippi-Perugino Deposition<\/em> recreated in the fury of an intense irrational spiritual life.<\/p>\n

Attilio Podest\u00e0, \u201cLa mostra del Cinquecento,\u201d Emporium<\/em>, XCI, June, 1940, 274, as revealing Rosso\u2019s own spiritual torment before, in his later works, he exhausted himself in a \u201cmichelangiolismo di maniera.\u201d<\/p>\n

Sabatini, 1941, 424, speaks of Rosso\u2019s new chromatic intentions, with the lower figures created in terms of light-color while the upper are still realized by the use of chiaroscuro.<\/p>\n

Becherucci, 1944, 27, believes that the Magdalen was inspired by the St. Catherine in Fra Bartolommeo\u2019s Marriage of St. Catherine<\/em> in the Louvre, and that the figure of St. John recalls that of St. Joseph in the Frate\u2019s Circumcision<\/em> in the Uffizi, and in his study for it in Lille.<\/p>\n

Fiumi, 1949, no. 33.<\/p>\n

Barocchi, 1950, 35\u201339, 245, recognizes the influence of Sarto, Pontormo, and D\u00fcrer, with St. John\u2019s drapery related to the kind in D\u00fcrer\u2019s etched Agony in the Garden<\/em> of 1515 (B. 19), and the figure above the ladder to a drawing by D\u00fcrer for a Deposition<\/em> in the Albertina.<\/p>\n

Becherucci, 1955, 171, discusses its relation to Michelangelo\u2019s art.<\/p>\n

Salmi, 1956, 835\u2013836, as recreating irrationally the scheme of Filippino Lippi\u2019s and Perugino\u2019s picture.<\/p>\n

Shearman, 1957, I, 229\u2013234, II, 220, ns. 27 and 29.<\/p>\n

Becherucci, 1958 (1968, 455, 461).<\/p>\n

Freedberg, 1961, 555\u2013557, 607, sees in its drawing the influence of Pontormo, and its canon of form derived from his Visdomini altarpiece.\u00a0 He also sees the Deposition<\/em> as the first presentation of this subject at night, in accord with the Biblical text, and as illuminated by moonlight.\u00a0 He suggests that the St. John may stand for the artist who now inhabits his own creation.<\/p>\n

Briganti, 1961, 25\u201326, 49, Color Pls. 11\u201313 (1962, 23\u201324, 44, same Plates) discussed it as linked to Florentine Renaissance classicism but \u201cthe variations reach such a degree of tension and the tonality is so exorbitant as to render the fundamental theme almost unrecognizable.\u201d<\/p>\n

Brugnoli, 1962, 338, speaking of the night landscape in Perino del Vaga\u2019s Deposition<\/em> formerly in S. Maria Sopra Minerva, suggests that it may be dependent on Rosso\u2019s picture.<\/p>\n

Berenson, 1963, 195, Pls. 1465, 1467.<\/p>\n

Paolucci, 1963, the colors as \u201cesempi di deformazione intellettualistica della realt\u00e0.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ciardi Dupr\u00e8, 1963, 37, recognized the forms of Rustici\u2019s Baptism of Christ<\/em> as anticipating those of Rosso\u2019s Deposition<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Hartt, 1963, 234.<\/p>\n

Bousquet, 1964, 98, says that the painting clearly shows Rosso\u2019s desire \u201cto reduce the human form to its geometrical structure.\u201d<\/p>\n

Carroll, 1964 (1976), I, Bk. I, 70\u201378, 81, Bk. II, 123, P. 13, II, Bk. III, Fig. 22.<\/p>\n

Daniel B.\u00a0 Rowland, Mannerism \u2013 Style and Mood<\/em>, New Haven and London, 1964, 3\u201313, 15\u201320, 23, 46, 47, 75\u201381, compared the altarpiece with Pontormo\u2019s Deposition<\/em>, and with other pictures of the same subject by artists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as well as with the work of Gesualdo and Donne.\u00a0 For some reason Rowland believes that \u201cRosso, as his name suggests, was an angry, violent man who murdered his servant in a fit of rage.\u201d<\/p>\n

Pariset, 1965, 34, mentioned its \u201cformes decoup\u00e9s, presque cubistes.\u201d<\/p>\n

Hauser, 1965, 191\u2013192, as sharing stylistic features with Pontormo, and as dream-like, abnormal, macabre, and ghostly, with caricature-like figure types.<\/p>\n

Marita Horster, \u201cEine unbekannte Handzeichnung aus den Michelangelo-Kreis and die Darstellung der Kreuzabnahme im Cinquecento,\u201d Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch<\/em>, XXVII, 1965, 221\u2013222, as related to a Michelangelesque drawing in Munich.<\/p>\n

Borea, 1965, Pls. VIII\u2013XI, speaks of the influence of Lippi\u2019s Deposition<\/em>.\u00a0 She sees the old man above the cross as related to German iconography, the woman at the left looking out of the picture as related to figures in Sarto, but with Pontormesque eyes, and the torsion of this figure and of the boy holding the ladder as like that in Michelangelo\u2019s Doni tondo.<\/p>\n

Shearman, 1965, I, 45, 167, II, 229, discusses the influence of Sarto\u2019s Puccini Piet\u00e0<\/em> on the figure of Christ and points out that the color of Sarto\u2019s figure and that of the Christ in his Piet\u00e0<\/em> in Vienna may also have influenced Rosso.<\/p>\n

Shearman, 1966, 150, 169, ns. 10\u201311, 23.<\/p>\n

Freedberg, 1966, 583\u2013584.<\/p>\n

Shearman, 1967, 51.<\/p>\n

Clark, 1967, 18, Pl. XIII, believes that Christ is derived from Michelangelo\u2019s Piet\u00e0<\/em> and that the Magdalen shows direct reference to Arnolfo di Cambio\u2019s sculpture on the fa\u00e7ade of the cathedral of Florence.<\/p>\n

Argan, 1968, 149\u2013150, as \u201ccolta e popolaresca ad un tempo.\u201d<\/p>\n

G\u00f6ransson, 1969, 130, Fig. 12, 131\u2013132, 134, speaks of the figures elongated as in the gothic manner, its system of line possibly based on Michelangelo\u2019s Cascina cartoon, and its light as perhaps originating in trecento painting.<\/p>\n

Hartt, 1969, 509\u2013510 (1987, 559\u2013560, Fig. and Color Pl. 79), as \u201cwell-nigh blasphemous.\u201d<\/p>\n

Weiss, 1971, 18, n. 1, 36, 65, 152, as showing gothic angularity and the influence of Northern prints.<\/p>\n

Freedberg, 1971, 128, 484, n. 26, as indebted to Pontormo, as revealing the study of Michelangelo, probably of the Cascina cartoon, and as showing ambivalence towards its human and religious theme.<\/p>\n

Shearman, Pontormo\u2019s Altarpiece in S. Felicita<\/em>, Newcastle upon Tyne, 1971, 30, n. 30, makes reference to the loss of colors.<\/p>\n

Del Conde, 1975, 126\u2013128, 129, Figs. 1, 4, relates the figure of Christ to Louvre drawing by Michelangelo.<\/p>\n

Dunkelman, 1976, 151, believes the figure of Christ is influenced by Donatello\u2019s in his Deposition<\/em> in S. Lorenzo.<\/p>\n

Bonito Oliva, 1976, 162\u2013166 and Fig., gave an extensive and careful account of the painting in the context of Mannerism.<\/p>\n

Smith, 1976, 67\u201370, discusses its relationship to the chapel of the Compagnia di S. Croce di Giorno (see above and n. 10).<\/p>\n

Nyholm, 1977, 124, 146, 150, 151, 153, 154, recognized its influence on Pontormo\u2019s lunette Piet\u00e0<\/em> drawing, Uffizi 300F recto<\/em> and on the Capponi chapel Deposition<\/em>; she also commented on the size of the cross and on the influence of the wood Dugento Deposition<\/em> in the cathedral of Volterra.<\/p>\n

Walters, 1978, 156, sees Christ\u2019s body as lost in the pattern of crosses and figures.<\/p>\n

Carroll, 1978, 31, 34, Fig. 16, 39, 40.<\/p>\n

Carli, 1978, 100, Color Pl. VI, relates it to the Deposition<\/em> by Filippino Lippi and Perugino, and to Sarto, Pontormo, D\u00fcrer, and Fra Bartolommeo, but as assimilating and surpassing them.<\/p>\n

Hall, 1979, 37, mentioned its \u201cunclassical abstracted realm.\u201d<\/p>\n

Brandi, 1980, 309, commented on the aggressive acidity of the color.<\/p>\n

Carli, 1980, 52, no.42, Pl. IV (Color), Fig.25.<\/p>\n

Smith, 1980, 19, 21, Pl. 1, commented on its \u201cstrange physical and psychic relationships\u201d and on its \u201csubject newly revived after its virtual eclipse during the fifteenth century.\u201d<\/p>\n

Burresi and Caleca, 1981, 27\u201330, Figs. on 52\u201353 (color), 91\u201395, writing after the recent cleaning, commented on its quick execution and of the influence of Michelangelo, suggesting a trip to Rome in 1518\u20131521.<\/p>\n

Darragon, 1983, 34, 35\u201337, 42, 58, Fig. 11, discusses the importance of the original location of the painting in the Chapel of S. Croce di Giorno (although he inadvertently also<\/em> identifies it as in the chapel of S. Croce di Notte, mistakenly thinking that the Crucifixion<\/em> attributed to Sodoma in the existing chapel was painted for the other)11<\/sup><\/a>; he also mentioned the effect of the gothic style and of local sculpture on the painting, its identity with the Holy Cross, and Rosso\u2019s personal interpretation of its subject.<\/p>\n

Sinding-Larsen, 1984, 42, 58, notes as fallacies Hartt\u2019s use of \u201cblasphemous\u201d and \u201cdenunciation of God\u201d for a picture that was made and accepted for the important \u201cCross-altar\u201d in this small town of Volterra.<\/p>\n

Mirollo, 1984, 17, 43.<\/p>\n

Williams, 1985, 17, 19, 21, recorded Vincenzo Borghini\u2019s remarks of 1557 or 1558, on which see above.<\/p>\n

Wilmes, 1985, 64, 67, 71, 73, 74, 76\u201377, 81, 85, 107, 111, 114\u2013120, 122\u2013125, 128, 134\u2013139, 153, 161, 164, 174\u2013175, Fig. 16, related its graphic handling to D\u00fcrer\u2019s woodcuts.<\/p>\n

Marilena Mosco, in Maddalena<\/em>, 1986, 119, Fig.2, 121, pointed out the new movement of the Magdalen toward the Virgin.<\/p>\n

Angelini, 1986 [1987], 91, n. 7.<\/p>\n

Leoni Zanobini, 1986, thought it was executed after a stay in Piombino; she posited the influence of Etruscan alabaster urns on its color and related its cangianti<\/em> colors to Michelangelo\u2019s of the Doni Tondo and the Sistine Ceiling.<\/p>\n

Ciardi, 1987, unpaginated, thought it may indicate that Rosso had already seen the Sistine Ceiling; the signature “RVBEVS FLO” indicating not only the color of his hair, but an indication of his “patria,” not included in signatures on paintings done in Florence.<\/p>\n

Also Bocci and Lessi in Ciardi, 1987, on the provenance of and the literature on the picture.<\/p>\n

Carroll, 1987, 19.<\/p>\n

Caron, 1988, 362\u2013375, Fig. 4, as the most damaged of Rosso\u2019s works, the violets having changed to pale yellow.<\/p>\n

Hamburgh, 1988, offered a Franciscan interpretation and saw Christ\u2019s right hand as placed at his groin and hence as referring to his Incarnation and to his Circumcision [although Christ’s right hand is actually completely hidden behind Christ’s body].<\/p>\n

Hirst, 1988, 50, related the standing Virgin to the same figure in the Descent from the Cross<\/em> relief in the Casa Buonarroti.<\/p>\n

Kaskinen, 1989, thought the placement of the figures and the lighting in the picture were influenced by theatre practices.<\/p>\n

Paolucci, 1989, 29, 64, 65, 156\u2013163, no. 34, 191, with 6 Color Pls. and 8 Black and White Pls., as seen by D\u2019Annunzio in the rooms of the Palazzo Inghirami, and quotes his comment that the men \u201cpresi nella violenza d\u2019un vento fatale\u201d; it destination in the chapel of the confraternity not one of social and intellectual prestige but one frequented by \u201cpopolani e piccolo borghesi\u201d and as an expression of \u201clow church\u201d rather than of intellectual \u00e9lites; also as related to Peter de Witte\u2019s Mourning of Christ<\/em> in the Pinacotca.<\/p>\n

Lebensztejn, 1990, 3\u201310, 26, 32, n. 5, including color plates.<\/p>\n

Ciardi and Mugnaini, 1991, 17, 18, 23, 24, 25, 31, 50, 60, 64\u201375, with 9 Color Pls., 76, 86, 114, 116, 124, 126, 136, 149, the pose of Christ recalling Michelangelo\u2019s Roman Piet\u00e0<\/em> and the color like that of the Sistine Chapel, indicating a trip to Rome in 1519\u20131520.<\/p>\n

Hall, 1992, 153, as Rosso breaking new ground with its brazen cangiantismo<\/em> and denial of sfumato; she also notes its hard forms, inexplicable light, fever-pitch emotion, and blond manner coloring.<\/p>\n

Stefaniak, 1992, 703, 704, Fig. 7, states that Christ is beardless [which he is not].<\/p>\n

Lebenstejn, 1992, 272, 279\u2013280, 281, Color Fig. 98, 284, 286, 288, 294, 297, the scene physically precarious but dramatically stable.<\/p>\n

Franklin, 1994, 54\u201370, 72\u201373, 76, 78\u201380, 82, 91\u201392, 107, 117, 144\u2013145, 168, 171, 174\u2013175, 278, n. 91, 302\u2013303, Appendix C, DOCUMENTS 1 AND 2, 316, Color Pls. 40, 43, 44, 50, as showing visual evidence that Rosso had already visited Rome and as abandoned unfinished to hurry back to Florence, related to the dedication of the confraternity of S. Croce di giorno to the Holy Cross and to the Virgin and to the gift by the Guidi family, that had strong ties with the chapel, of a fragment of the cross in 1513, and related to documents of 1517 and 1518 concerned with an altarpiece and ornament for the chapel; showing a short-stemmed cross with a low subpedaneum, a rigid Christ with a smile of extreme anguish; and in the absence of statutes of this confraternity related to the statutes of S. Croce di notte about respect to be paid to the Holy Cross and the Virgin Mary, but without any references to Franciscan thought.<\/p>\n

Brilli, 1994, 10, Color Pl., 25, 106, Color Pl. (detail), 108\u2013109.<\/p>\n

Costamagna, 1994, 12, 36, 38, its colors allowing one to think that Rosso went from Piombino to Rome where he saw the Sistine Ceiling.<\/p>\n

Falciani, 1994, 12, 23, n. 17, its figurative language showing voluntary \u201carchaismo\u201d as a dialogue with Cenni di Francesco\u2019s frescoes to exalt the values of tradition.<\/p>\n

Gaillemin, 1994, 59, Fig., 65\u201366, projects a dramatic violence that \u201c\u2018d\u00e9passe l\u2019entendement.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

Falciani, in Gnocchi and Falciani, 1994, 70, Color Fig., 71, as perhaps feigning statues in a niche.<\/p>\n

Marchetti Letta, 1994, 60, 61\u201363, Color Figs. 85\u201387, 65, as showing the body lowered at sunset as in Matthew 27:45, 57, the color notes on the parcel that do match the colors used indicating the development of the picture right up until its final state, and the color of the altarpiece related to the Sistine Ceiling and the pose of Christ related to Michelangelo\u2019s Roman Piet\u00e0<\/em> giving clear evidence that Rosso was in Rome between 1518 and 1521.<\/p>\n

Franco Alessandro Lessi in Rosso e Volterra<\/em>, 1994, 181, under no. 23, the left arm and hand of Christ in Peter de Witt\u2019s Mourning of Christ<\/em> as from Rosso\u2019s Deposition<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Ciardi, in Rosso e Volterra<\/em>, 1994, 176, under no. 20, with reference to Giocan Paolo Rossetti\u2019s Deposition<\/em> in San Dalmazio, Volterra.<\/p>\n

Mugnaini, in Rosso e Volterra<\/em>, 1994, 161, under no. 15, 170\u2013175, no. 19, and six Color Pls., brings up the relation to an undocumented youthful trip to Rome, and notes motifs similar to that in the Baltimore Holy Family<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Burresi, in Rosso e Volterra<\/em>, 1994, 148, under no. 3, compares it technique with that of the Rebecca and Eliezer<\/em> in Pisa.<\/p>\n

Mugnaini, 1994, 101, 102, 103.<\/p>\n

Valle, 1994, 25, 55, 65, 70.<\/p>\n

Ciardi, 1994, 20, 33, 44, 49, 57, 66, 70, Fig., 71\u201375, 79, 86, 92, n. 50, 97, ns. 66 and 165, as influenced by Uccello\u2019s \u201cviolentazione cubista,\u201d by Puligo\u2019s Deposition<\/em> in Venice and in Anghiari, by Andrea Sansovino\u2019s Madonna and Child and St. Anne<\/em> in Rome, by northern prints, and by the color of the Sistine Ceiling, hence an undocumented trip to Rome between 1518\u20131520; as \u201cnon-finito\u201d in the lower part; as showing unusual thematic options, the exaltation of the cross only hinted at but showing a continuous descent from the divine to the human level; the eclecticism of Filippino Lippi\u2019s influential Deposition<\/em> finished by Perugino and perhaps with the intervention of Leonardo presenting an exalting example to Rosso.<\/p>\n

Penny, 1994, 12, questions that it is unfinished.<\/p>\n

Jollet, 1994, 76, Fig., 77 and Fig., 78, 80, as showing the monumentality of Fra Bartolommeo opposed to improbable space.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

While the date of the picture in 1521 is certain it is not clear what relation it has to Rosso\u2019s work for the Lord of Piombino, which is generally dated prior to his arrival in Volterra.\u00a0 The general opinion that it is closely related to the Deposition<\/em> begun by Filippino Lippi and completed by Perugino may suggest that before executing the panel in Volterra Rosso was aware of this commission and hence did some study for it in Florence.\u00a0 It is possible that he returned briefly to Florence after working for the Lord of Piombino. I do not think that an understanding of the conception of the altarpiece requires that by the time Rosso did it he had visited Rome.<\/p>\n

The size and proportions of the altarpiece were calculated to fill entirely the central bay of the apse of the Cappella della Croce di giorno for which it was made, thus relating it to the architecture of the chapel of the confraternity dedicated to the Virgin, to the Holy Cross and to St. Francis.12<\/sup><\/a> The frescoes of 1410 by Cenni di Francesco di Ser Cenni of the Story of the True Cross that decorate the walls of the chapel confirm the confraternity\u2019s devotion to the Holy Cross, traditionally associated with St. Francis, whose image receiving the stigmata is the subject of one fresco (Fig.St. Francis, Volterra, Chapel<\/a>).\u00a0 Rosso\u2019s picture is dominated by it huge cross, giving focus to the whole program of the frescoes. However, this cross is unlike any representation of it in Cenni di Francesco\u2019s frescoes.\u00a0 It is the tau<\/em>-shaped cross venerated by St. Francis, which makes reference to the mark (sign) made by the Hebrews above their doors with the blood of the Pascal lamb prior to their departure from Egypt to protect them from the angel of death (Exodus 12:23).\u00a0 This cross was drawn by St. Francis himself (Fig.Tau<\/a>) and in mention by Thomas of Celano who wrote of St. Francis: \u201cHe took for a special token the sign tau<\/em>,” and \u201cHe used it as the signature of all his letters, and he painted it on the walls of all the cells.\u201d\u00a0 Bonaventura also identified St. Francis with the tau<\/em>-writing Angel of the Sixth Seal (Apocalypse 7:2).13<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

COPIES: Florence, Uffizi, no. 6493F recto<\/em>, Copy after the figure of St. John<\/em>, red chalk, 26.9 x 18.8 [the animal\u2014squirrel?, porcupine?\u2014wearing a collar<\/em> at the right in pen and ink (Fig.P.9Copy, Florence<\/a>); verso<\/em>: Men on horseback before a fortified gate above an encampment of tents<\/em>, pen and ink and wash (Fig.P.9Copy, Florence,verso<\/a>)]. \u00a0LITERATURE:\u00a0Berenson, 1903, no. 2424, as Rosso. \u00a0Kusenberg, 1931, 140, no. 30, P1. IX, as Rosso. \u00a0Berenson, 1938, no. 2424, as Rosso. \u00a0Charles de Tolnay, History and Technique of Old Master Drawings<\/em>, New York, 1943, 120, no. 93, Fig. 93, as Rosso. \u00a0Becherucci, [1944] 1949, 27, Pl. 72, as Rosso. \u00a0Barocchi, 1950, 36, n. 1, Fig. 12, as Rosso. \u00a0Longhi, 1951, 59 (1976, 99), as a copy after Rosso\u2019s painting. \u00a0Bertini, BdA<\/em>, 1952, 312, as not an autograph drawing. \u00a0Shearman, 1957, II, 222, n. 40, as Rosso. \u00a0Hartt, 1958, 158, as Rosso. \u00a0Berenson, 1961, II, no. 2424, III, Fig. 992, as Rosso. \u00a0Carroll, 1964 (1976), II, Bk. II, 468\u2013469, F.18, Bk. III, Figs. 163\u2013164, the recto<\/em> as a copy after Rosso\u2019s painting, of the late sixteenth century, and possible by the same hand as Uffizi 649S, also formerly attributed to Rosso; see Carroll, 1964 (1976), II, Bk. II, 485, F.28, Bk. III, Fig. 179. \u00a0Clark, 1967, 18, as Rosso. \u00a0Leoni Zanobini, 1986, 93, 94, Fig. 4, as Rosso. \u00a0Ciardi, 1987, as Rosso. \u00a0The draughtsmanship of no drawing by Rosso resembles this one that is precisely like the figure in the painting and must be derived from it, as first pointed out by Longhi.\u00a0 It is now so labeled at the Uffizi.<\/p>\n

Siena, Biblioteca Communcale, Vol. III . <\/sup><\/strong>9, 16 recto<\/em>, Copy of the figure of St. John<\/em>, (Fig.P.9Copy, Siena<\/a>) black chalk heightened with white on light brown washed paper, 26.3 x 11.5.\u00a0 (At lower right, a standing male nude in red chalk; verso<\/em>: a draped figure[?] in black chalk, and two words in ink, one of which seems to read: Almo<\/em>.)\u00a0 Brought to my attention by Michael Hirst who related that it was found by Walter H. Vitzthum who recognized it as a copy, which it is.<\/p>\n

Windsor Castle, no. 0369, Copy of the three women at the left and the head of the Magdalen<\/em>\u00a0(Fig.P.9Copy, Windsor<\/a>), red and black chalks, 17.3 x 10.3. \u00a0LITERATURE: Popham and Wilde, 1949, 325, no. 879, 353, as possibly Federico Zuccaro.<\/p>\n

Pier Paolo Pasolini, La Ricotta<\/em>, 1962, one of four short films by various directors collected under the title Rogopag<\/em> (Fig.P.9Copy, Pasolini, Deposition<\/a>). \u00a0LITERATURE:\u00a0Nyholm, 1977, 17, Fig. 2, as a faithful copy of Rosso\u2019s painting. \u00a0Mirollo, 1984, 40, and Lessi in Ciardi, 1987, commented that Pasolini created a parody of Rosso\u2019s picture in this film. \u00a0Pasolini reconstructs Rosso\u2019s picture, and in color in this black-and-white film, as part of the story of a director (Orson Welles) making a film on Christ\u2019s life.\u00a0 Another color sequence reconstructs Pontormo\u2019s altarpiece in S. Felicita, Florence.\u00a0 I want to thank Jeffrey Lieber for lending me his tape of this film.<\/p>\n

\n

<\/a>1<\/sup> Paolo Ferrini, Volterra<\/em>, Volterra, 1954, 8.<\/p>\n

<\/a>2<\/sup> Measurements given by Burresi and Caleca, 1981, 27, and Leoni Zanobini, 1986, 92.\u00a0 Fiumi, 1949, no. 33, gave 337 x 196. \u00a0Kusenberg, 1931, 184, n. 32, and Barocchi, 1950, 245, gave the height as 333. \u00a0Dal Mas, 1939, 121, gave the height as 375, but this is clearly a mistake, repeated in Mostra del Cinquecento<\/em>, 1940, 67.<\/p>\n

<\/a>3<\/sup> Burresi and Caleca, 1981, 27, give \u2026 FLO<\/em>. \u2026 A.S<\/em>\u2026.<\/p>\n

<\/a>4<\/sup> See Sopr. alle Gallerie, Florence, photograph, no. 46950, of this area before the inpainting (Fig.P.9e<\/a>).<\/p>\n

<\/a>5<\/sup> Even if the first inscription is a color note referring to violet where white and yellow are now seen this would not necessarily mean that Rosso actually<\/em> used violet here.\u00a0 The change in the drawing of the figure where this inscription appears from what the underdrawing shows to have been Rosso\u2019s first idea indicates that the initial conception of this figure was not so absolutely fixed at the very beginning of its realization on the panel.\u00a0 This could be as true of the figure\u2019s color as it is of its posture.<\/p>\n

<\/a>6<\/sup> See Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 68, and n. 6, where the record of the visita pastorale<\/em> of Monsignor Sfondrati is transcribed: Archivio Vescovile Volterra, Mons. Carlo Filippo Visita Pastorale, I, folio 140 verso<\/em>: \u201cVisitavit oratorium sub titulo Smae<\/sup> Crucis de die vidit altare, quod est ligneum, et in medio adest lapis sacer, deficit tela cerata quam mandavit apponi. supe[r] quo altari assurgit figura ab optima manu elaborata, repraesentans Mortem Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, et eius de cruce depositionem cum ornamentis ligneis deauratis bene sa habentibus.\u201d See also Bocci and Lessi in Ciardi, 1987.\u00a0 Bocci stated that the record is by the protonotary apostolic Pietro Valentini, general vicar of Bishop Sfondrati.\u00a0 Bocci also mentioned a visit by the Bishop of Rimini in 1576 (see P. 10) when a \u201cTavola overo Ancona\u201d was cited as on the altar of the Compagnia di Giorno, but its subject was not given.\u00a0 Twice before its removal the altarpiece was recorded as by Rosso and as in the chapel (or oratory) of the Compagnia della S. Croce di Giorno at San Francesco in two manuscripts by A. Ormanni in the Biblioteca Guarnacci, Volterra, by A. Ormanni, Opere di pittura e scultura che si vedono nella citt<\/em>\u00e0 di Volterra<\/em>, ms. 8611, fasc. 3, and Opere di pittura e scultura che sono in Volterra<\/em>, ms. 5835, c. 6, both cited by Lessi in Ciardi, 1987.\u00a0 (In ms. 5839 Ormanni stated that S. Croce in Giorno also had frescoes by Cenni and Jacopo da Firenze.)\u00a0 Lessi also published two other records of the painting in 1756 as by Rosso, but without stating if they gave its exact location. G. Guidi, Note delle pitture e sculture che si trovano nella citt<\/em>\u00e0 di Volterra<\/em>, Archivio Guarnacci, Volterra, ms. (not inventoried), and Borgucci-Verani, Nota delle pitture e sculture che si vedono nelle chiese di Volterra<\/em>, Biblioteca Guarnacci, Volterra, ms. 5869, c. 212. In the same library, in ms. 10283, Delle Fabbriche Chiese e Iscrizioni esistenti nella Citt<\/em>\u00e0 di Volterra<\/em>, c. 116, of 1812\u201319, it is recorded that the painting, then in the cathedral, came from the Compagnia della Croce di Giorno.<\/p>\n

<\/a>7<\/sup> Cinci, 1884, 8\u20139, stated that Rosso\u2019s altarpiece was originally in the now destroyed Chapel of the Compagnia di S. Croce di Notte on the other side of the church of S. Francesco (although he wrongly placed the existing chapel at the left of the church), but here in 1679 Monsignor Sfrondrati had seen a Crucifixion<\/em> (Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 68, n. 6, in same document given in n. 5 above, folio 139 verso<\/em>: \u201c\u2026 Oratorium predictum [of S. Croce di Notte] est midique depictum figuris repraesentantibus Domini Nostri Jesu Christi Passionem e supe altari desupe est vexillum Crucifixi Domini Nostri.\u201d)<\/p>\n

<\/a>8<\/sup> Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 70.<\/p>\n

<\/a>9<\/sup> See n. 7.<\/p>\n

<\/a>10<\/sup> Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 68, 70, pointed out that the subject of Rosso\u2019s picture complements and completes, in a sense, the two fifteenth century fresco cycles in the chapel with scenes of the life of the Virgin and of the Legend of the True Cross.\u00a0 The record of Sfondrati\u2019s visit does not indicate any wall paintings in S. Croce di Giorno while in the record of the visit to S. Croce di Notte there is a reference to scenes of the Passion of Christ, apparently indicating wall paintings (see n. 7).\u00a0 These scenes were identified as frescoes by Niccol\u00f2 Carcignani [Circignani] by A. Ormanni in Biblioteca Guarnacci ms. 5839, c. 6 (see n. 5).\u00a0 Cinci, 1884, 9, remarked that the chapel was \u201ctutta pitturata a buon fresco.\u201d\u00a0 It is not known when this chapel was destroyed.<\/p>\n

<\/a>11<\/sup> On this altarpiece see Smith, Zeitschrift<\/em>, 1976, 70, n. 7, who stated that it is now attributed to the Sienese painter Bartolommeo Neroni (see C. Ricci, Volterra<\/em>, Italia artistica<\/em>, no. 18, Bergamo, 1905, Fig. on 150), and that, according to Monsignor Bocci, with whom Smith had spoken in Volterra, it \u201ccame to Volterra from a Cappella della Croce at Casole d\u2019Elsa, after Rosso\u2019s altarpiece was transferred to the cathedral.\u00a0 See also Franklin, 1994, 59.<\/p>\n

<\/a>12<\/sup> See Pjleger, S., \u201cLa Cappella della Croce nella chiesa di S. Francesco di Volterra,\u201d Rassegna Volterrana<\/em>, 19\u201360, 1983\u20131984, 173\u2013178.<\/p>\n

<\/a>13<\/sup> See Fleming, J. V., From Bonaventura to Bellini. An Essay in Franciscan Exegesis<\/em>, Princeton, 1982, 99\u2013128, and Figs. 24\u201325.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

1521 Volterra, Pinacoteca Comunale, no. 7.1 Panel, 941 x 201.2 Signed and dated at the lower right on the side of the ladder: RVBEVS \/ FLO FAC \/ AS \/ MDXXI.3 Fig.P.9a Fig.P.9b four women Fig.P.9b(2)\u00a0Magdalen[Take out extra line spacing and underline under Magdalen] Fig.P.9c Christ Fig.P.9d Christ’s head Fig.P.9e bw, Christ’s head, missing area […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":13,"featured_media":0,"parent":814,"menu_order":9,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-818","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/818","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/13"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=818"}],"version-history":[{"count":40,"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/818\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11504,"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/818\/revisions\/11504"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/814"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pages.vassar.edu\/rosso\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=818"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}